The ISA Governance Crisis Escalates…

Since the publication yesterday of my article examining the governance crisis inside the International Seabed Authority (ISA), two developments have now emerged that further intensify the concerns surrounding the current administration of the Secretariat

The ISA has released a series of Joint Appeals Board (JAB) judgments addressing disputes arising from Secretary-General Leticia Carvalho’s January 2025 decisions. At the same time, an unlawful diplomatic note verbale has been circulated to Member States announcing the conclusion of a disciplinary proceeding against a staff member and the individual’s separation from service for alleged serious misconduct.

First, the publication of the JAB judgments does little to resolve the central concern raised in the article. A first-level review body (the JAB) that has been dismantled at the very moment staff members sought to challenge administrative decisions, and subsequently reconstituted under the authority of the very official whose actions it is supposed to review, cannot reasonably be expected to command confidence as an independent adjudicative mechanism.

Institutional justice systems in international organizations rest on a basic principle: independence from the administration whose decisions are under review. Where the administration dissolves the review body during active disputes and subsequently re-establishes it under conditions that raise legitimate concerns regarding composition, remuneration and structural dependence, the credibility of the mechanism inevitably comes into question.

The ISA Joint Appeals Board is not a judicial tribunal but a first-instance advisory body whose members are appointed within the institutional framework of the Secretariat. As such, it operates within the administrative structure whose decisions it is tasked with reviewing, a structural arrangement that inevitably raises questions about the level of independence such a mechanism can realistically provide.

Those concerns are further compounded by the remuneration framework reportedly introduced for members of the Board. Unlike judicial tribunals whose judges are appointed through formal intergovernmental processes and whose remuneration is determined by governing bodies such as the General Assembly of the United Nations Secretariat (for UNDT/UNAT), the payment structure for JAB members appears to have been established administratively and financed from within the very institution whose decisions the Board is asked to review.

In systems of administrative justice, independence does not depend solely on the good faith of the individuals involved; it depends on institutional safeguards that prevent even the appearance of administrative influence. Where the review body is appointed, organized and remunerated through mechanisms controlled by the same administration whose decisions are under challenge, the perception of institutional dependence becomes difficult to avoid.

A Justice System Without Independence

What makes this situation particularly striking is that the structural weaknesses of such peer-review mechanisms have long been acknowledged across the United Nations system itself. In its 2023 system-wide review of pre-tribunal appeal mechanisms, the Joint Inspection Unit (JIU) observed that many organizations continue to rely on peer review bodies composed largely of internal staff members rather than professional judges. As the Inspectors noted:

“most pre-tribunal appeal bodies are composed of staff members serving on a part-time basis who are not necessarily legally trained” (JIU/REP/2023/2).

The JIU report further warns that the institutional design of these mechanisms raises structural concerns regarding both independence and efficiency. As the Inspectors explain:

“the peer-review nature of many pre-tribunal bodies raises concerns about potential conflicts of interest, delays in the process and the lack of professionalization of the review function” (JIU/REP/2023/2).

These concerns are not new. The report notes that several organizations within the United Nations system have already moved away from such peer-review models precisely in order to strengthen institutional safeguards. As the Inspectors observe:

“a number of organizations have already moved away from the traditional peer-review model towards more professionalized mechanisms in order to strengthen independence, legal expertise and the credibility of the review process” (JIU/REP/2023/2).

The United Nations itself undertook such a reform in 2009, when:

“the reform of the United Nations internal justice system in 2009 replaced the previous peer-review bodies with a two-tier tribunal system composed of independent judges” (JIU/REP/2023/2).

Recognizing these structural weaknesses, the JIU Inspectors further recommended that organizations strengthen the professionalism and independence of their pre-tribunal review systems:

“..executive heads should ensure that pre-tribunal mechanisms are adequately professionalized and supported by qualified legal expertise in order to improve the quality, independence and credibility of the review process”.

It was precisely these concerns that led the United Nations Secretariat to abandon this model in 2009. The UN replaced the former Joint Appeals Boards and Joint Disciplinary Committees with a fully professionalized two-tier judicial system composed of the United Nations Dispute Tribunal and the United Nations Appeals Tribunal, staffed by independent judges and supported by a professional registry and legal infrastructure.

Seventeen years later, however, several international organizations including the International Seabed Authority continue to operate internal justice systems that rely on variations of the very peer-review structure the United Nations itself concluded could not guarantee sufficient independence or credibility.

Against that broader institutional backdrop, the events surrounding the dissolution and subsequent reconstitution of the ISA Joint Appeals Board become even more troubling. A review body whose members are appointed within the Secretariat, whose functioning depends on administrative arrangements determined by the executive leadership, and whose remuneration is set and financed by that same administration, inevitably raises questions about whether it can function as a genuinely independent safeguard for staff members seeking to challenge administrative decisions.

Weaponizing the Publication of the JAB Judgments

The circumstances surrounding the sudden publication of these Joint Appeals Board judgments raise additional concerns that cannot be ignored.

First, the timing itself is highly questionable. Publishing judgments at this specific moment inevitably creates the impression that these decisions are being used not merely as legal documents but as instruments in an ongoing institutional and political debate.

Second, the publication occurs while the legality of the dismantling and reconstitution of the Joint Appeals Board itself remains under dispute and is currently subject to appeal before the United Nations Appeals Tribunal. Releasing judgments under these circumstances risks presenting contested findings as settled conclusions while the underlying institutional legality of the body issuing them remains under judicial review.

Third, questions have already been raised regarding the financial incentives introduced for members of the Board, arrangements that did not previously exist and which have already been criticised for potentially undermining perceptions of independence and impartiality.

There is also a basic procedural issue. Neither the Staff Regulations and Rules nor the JAB Rules of Procedure appear to provide any explicit legal basis for the publication of JAB judgments. In most international organizations operating Joint Appeals Boards, such decisions are not published at all. The absence of any governing framework regulating publication, anonymity or redaction leaves these matters entirely to ad hoc discretion.

This stands in sharp contrast to the United Nations internal justice system, where the United Nations Dispute Tribunal and the United Nations Appeals Tribunal are explicitly mandated by the General Assembly to publish their judgments in order to ensure transparency, consistency of jurisprudence and institutional accountability.

The sudden decision to publish selected judgments of the ISA Joint Appeals Board, a body that the Secretary-General herself dismantled and subsequently reconstituted, therefore raises obvious questions. Rather than serving transparency, the timing and selectivity of this publication give the impression of an administration attempting to weaponize a contested internal mechanism in what increasingly resembles a deeply unequal struggle between the Secretariat and the staff members it has chosen to forcibly remove.

In this case, the order authorizing publication appears to have been issued by the Chair of the JAB alone, without deliberation by the Board as a whole.

Equally troubling is the selective transparency surrounding the ISA’s internal jurisprudence. No JAB judgments or orders appear to have been published prior to 2025, leaving observers unable to assess how the newly constituted Board may have altered the jurisprudence of the body.

Concerns have also been raised regarding serious mischaracterizations of the factual record, including the omission from the judgment’s procedural history of the suspension of action proceedings that preceded the appeal.

Finally, the handling of redactions raises further questions. In the published judgment, the names of the Respondent and of a JAB member whose disqualification had been requested were redacted, while the names of the appellants appear unredacted throughout the document. Such asymmetry inevitably raises questions about the consistency of the Board’s approach to protecting personal identities and reputational interests.

Taken together, these circumstances strongly suggest that the publication of these judgments was not intended to enhance transparency but to advance a particular administrative narrative.

The Unlawful Note Verbale to ISA Member States

In a striking new development, the Secretary-General has circulated a diplomatic note verbale to Member States announcing that a disciplinary proceeding has been concluded and that a staff member has been separated from service for alleged serious misconduct.

The timing of this communication also raises legitimate questions. The note verbale is dated 6 March 2026, only days before the opening of the International Seabed Authority Council meeting during the ISA’s 31st session.

Issued at such a moment, the communication strongly suggests that the Secretary-General is struggling to contain the governance crisis now unfolding within the Secretariat. Rather than restoring confidence in the organisation, the decision to circulate such a communication risks further eroding accountability within the ISA by disregarding basic procedural safeguards and publicly casting suspicion on individuals who have challenged or criticised the current management of the organization.

Such a communication raises profound procedural concerns.

Disciplinary proceedings within international organizations are governed by strict principles of confidentiality designed to protect both the integrity of the process and the rights of the staff member concerned. Publicly informing Member States of disciplinary measures taken against an individual staff member is not part of the established administrative practice within the United Nations system or comparable international organizations.

The circulation of a note verbale in these circumstances risks prejudicing the reputation of the staff member concerned while the individual retains a clear right of appeal through the organization’s internal justice mechanisms and, ultimately, before the United Nations Appeals Tribunal.

In any system governed by the rule of law, disciplinary determinations remain subject to judicial review until the appeals process has been exhausted.

Communicating such information to Member States before that process has concluded raises the question of whether the purpose of the communication is administrative transparency or the premature public condemnation of an individual who retains legal recourse.

This concern is not merely theoretical.

The jurisprudence of international administrative tribunals has repeatedly addressed the consequences of public communications that damage the reputation of staff members before judicial review has taken place.

A particularly relevant example can be found in ILO Administrative Tribunal Judgment No. 3613 (3 February 2016) concerning the Global Fund.

In that case, the Global Fund issued public communications announcing that a staff member had been terminated for unsatisfactory performance. The ILOA Tribunal (ILOAT) held that such conduct constituted an unlawful attack on the dignity and reputation of the individual concerned.

The Tribunal recalled the well-established principle that:

“International organisations are bound to refrain from any type of conduct that may harm the dignity or reputation of their staff members (Judgment 2861, under 91; see also Judgments 396, 1875, 2371, 2475 and 2720).

In this case, there can be no doubt that the announcement in the News Release and the statement in the 28 November 2012 letter that the complainant was terminated for unsatisfactory performance conveyed to readers that the complainant was incompetent and unfit to perform the duties of the Inspector General.

These communications were a serious affront to the complainant’s professional reputation and his dignity. The fact that the Global Fund sent an email to its staff members directing their attention to the News Release in circumstances where the complainant was not in a position to refute its contents further exacerbates the breach. It also constitutes a serious infringement of the complainant’s right to privacy. As stated in Judgment 2861, under 92, “[i]t is of the essence of a publication that reflects adversely on a person that it infringes on his or her privacy”.

The Tribunal concluded:

“The Tribunal concludes that there was no reasonable justification for stating in the News Release that the complainant was terminated let alone that he was terminated for unsatisfactory performance. In the circumstances, the Global Fund should have simply communicated the complainant’s departure in neutral terms, such as, an announcement that the complainant was leaving the Global Fund. “

The Tribunal ultimately found that the organization’s actions had caused:

“serious and irreparable harm to the complainant’s reputation and dignity and were a breach of his right to privacy.”

The Tribunal thus found:

“Based on the information provided to the Tribunal it is evident that the Global Fund’s actions in publishing the termination of the complainant’s employment and the reason for the termination and its refusal to remove the offending information from its website caused serious and irreparable harm to the complainant’s reputation and dignity and were a breach of his right to privacy.

This entitles the complainant to an award of moral damages as does the unlawful termination of his employment in the total amount of 150,000 Swiss francs.”

Further, the Tribunal ordered:

“Within seven days of the public delivery of this Judgment, the Global Fund shall remove the News Release from its website.”

This jurisprudence is directly relevant to the present situation.

By circulating a diplomatic note announcing the termination of a staff member for alleged misconduct while the individual retains the right to challenge the decision through internal justice mechanisms and judicial review, the administration risks creating precisely the type of reputational harm that international administrative tribunals have repeatedly condemned.

International organizations enjoy jurisdictional immunity from national courts on the understanding that they provide staff with effective internal justice systems that respect fundamental due process guarantees.

Among those guarantees is the obligation to refrain from conduct capable of damaging the professional reputation and dignity of staff members whose legal remedies have not yet been exhausted.

Taken together, these developments suggest that the governance crisis within the ISA Secretariat remains unresolved. Rather than restoring confidence in the Authority’s internal legal framework, recent actions appear to confirm the deeper institutional concerns raised in the original article.

The lesson from that ILOAT judgment is difficult to miss: Carvalho’s hurried attempts to silence critics and whistleblowers do not make problems disappear; they simply transform governance failures into legal findings and mounting financial liabilities.

The Governance Crisis Inside the International Seabed Authority

Ahead of the 31st session of the International Seabed Authority (ISA) scheduled to open tomorrow on 9 March 2026, Member States must be alerted to serious governance failures now unfolding within the ISA.

Before examining these developments, it is worth recalling why the International Seabed Authority matters.

Why the International Seabed Authority Matters

Most people have never heard of the ISA. That, in itself, is part of the problem.

The ISA is not technically a United Nations body. It is an autonomous international organization created under Part XI of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Yet it operates within the UN ecosystem, reports within the UN system, uses the UN’s administrative justice mechanisms, and is periodically subject to external audit, although those oversight mechanisms have so far appeared strikingly reluctant to confront the deeper governance failures taking place inside the organization.

And what exactly does the ISA govern?

The seabed beyond national jurisdiction. In the language of UNCLOS, the “Area”  or the deep seabed that legally belongs to all humankind. The ISA is the body entrusted with regulating the exploration and potential exploitation of those resources.

ISA decides who who receives exploration licences.

ISA drafts the mining code governing seabed extraction.

ISA controls the pace or potential pause of deep seabed mining.

And the world is deeply divided over what should happen next:

On one side are states and corporate actors pushing to accelerate exploitation, arguing that seabed minerals are essential to the global energy transition.

On the other side are states calling for a moratorium or precautionary pause, warning that deep-sea mining could irreversibly damage ecosystems that science barely understands.

At stake is far more than mining policy. This is a geopolitical struggle over resource security, environmental risk, North-South equity, and control over the last remaining global commons.

The ISA sits directly at the centre of that fracture line. Which is precisely why governance at the ISA is not some minor administrative matter. It goes to the heart of who ultimately controls access to these global resources and under what rules.

An organization entrusted with administering the “common heritage of mankind” cannot operate with a collapsing internal justice system, budgetary irregularities, and unchecked executive power that expose serious failures in the way the ISA is currently being run.

Last year I published two articles documenting the unlawful acts carried out by the ISA Secretary-General.

Before turning to the serious developments that emerged in 2026, including a damning leaked internal note addressed to the ISA auditors, it is important to briefly recall the headline decisions taken by Secretary-General Letícia Reis de Carvalho since assuming office in January 2025.

Before her election in July 2024, Carvalho presented herself as the reformer who would bring transparency to an institution she suggested had long suffered from opacity.

As she stated in an interview on 4 July 2024:

“For me, the mission of the ISA and the leadership of the ISA is to be a trustee,  an honest broker… It should offer transparency of its own procedures… If you are a trustee of the biggest commons on Earth, you cannot be called obscure or opaque in any way. We absolutely need practices that can turn things from opaqueness to transparency.”

Those promises collapsed almost immediately after she assumed office on 1 January 2025.

The Dismantling of the Internal Justice System

Within her first forty-eight hours, several staff members, many of whom had signed valid fixed-term contracts in December 2024 and had already entered on duty received abrupt termination letters informing them that the ISA would be “unable to complete the onboarding process.” Two additional staff members saw their contracts terminated under the guise of restructuring. These staff members were removed from their posts without reason, due process, or remedy.

As the affected staff filed urgent motions before the Joint Appeals Board (JAB) seeking review of these decisions, the crisis escalated further. The Secretary-General dismantled the entire JAB structure, leaving staff without any functioning internal justice mechanism at the precise moment they needed it. In one of its orders on the Appeals, the United Nations Appeals Tribunal expressly noted in Order No. 2024-591 its:

“concern that the JAB was dismantled temporarily without prior warning given to ISA staff members and with no reasons provided by the Administration,” observing that this had denied staff members access to justice in the interim” and concluding that “the temporary void rendered meaningless the JAB suspension of action mechanism.”

At the same time the administration dismantled the JAB, the Secretariat moved ahead with recruitment to fill the very posts it had unlawfully vacated effectively foreclosing any realistic possibility of reinstatement before the justice process had even begun.

Five weeks later the Secretary-General appointed a new chair of the reconstituted JAB: Martha Halfeld, a former judge of the United Nations Appeals Tribunal and, significantly, another Brazilian national. The appointment placed a compatriot with appellate judicial experience at the head of the very body responsible for reviewing challenges to the Secretary-General’s own administrative decisions, raising obvious concerns regarding the structural independence of the mechanism. It became increasingly clear that accountability had little place in the new order taking shape inside the Secretariat.

A Damning Note to the ISA Auditors

On 12 February 2026, I, together with more than 200 other recipients, received a detailed internal note addressed to the International Seabed Authority’s external auditors. The document was later published online by Inner City Press.

The Note, which seems to have been written by internal technical experts, is a damning, comprehensive account of what appears to be a total systemic breakdown in the ISA’s governance framework.

The document identifies alleged serious violations touching virtually every pillar of institutional management: unlawful staffing decisions, concealed litigation liabilities, irregular recruitment practices, manipulation of the Assembly-approved staffing table, breakdown of internal financial controls, and extensive misallocation of budgetary resources. 

One of the most immediate concerns relates to the litigation triggered by the Secretary-General’s January 2025 dismissals. More than fifteen employment-related cases have been filed before the Joint Appeals Board and the United Nations Appeals Tribunal. 

The note estimates the ISA’s potential legal exposure at approximately US$2.5 million, yet these liabilities appear not to have been disclosed in the financial statements despite the requirements of international public-sector accounting standards. 

But the most disturbing revelations concern the Joint Appeals Board (JAB) itself.

Until 2025, members of the JAB served without remuneration. After dissolving the existing board, the Secretary-General reconstituted it with new members and introduced a payment scheme that had never been approved by the ISA Assembly.

Under this arrangement:

• the Chair of the JAB receives US$2,000 per case,
• other JAB members receive US$500,
• and the JAB Chair additionally receives a monthly stipend of US$1,000 while cases remain active. 

None of these payments appear in the approved programme budget or the Finance Committee. None were formally authorised by Member States.

The obvious question for auditors is therefore simple: from which budget lines are these payments being financed?

Even more troubling is the structure of the remuneration itself. Because payments continue while cases are “in progress,” the system potentially creates an incentive to prolong litigation rather than resolve it.

The administration that triggered the disputes now finances the tribunal adjudicating them, through a payment mechanism it introduced itself.

Whistleblowers have also shared internal meeting minutes of the newly constituted JAB dated 6 February 2025, which shed further light on how this mechanism was reassembled.

During that introductory meeting, members acknowledged that this would be the first time JAB members would receive remuneration for their services at the ISA, a practice that had not previously existed.

Several members raised concerns about whether the payments had been approved by the Finance Committee and whether Member States had even been informed of the arrangement, noting that such matters would normally require transparency toward the ISA’s governing bodies. At least one member indicated that, because of national regulations governing public officials, they would need to consult their government before accepting any remuneration. The discussion itself suggests that the payment structure had been introduced without the usual institutional clarity regarding authorization or oversight. 

The same meeting also confirmed that several urgent staff cases had already been forced to escalate to the United Nations Appeals Tribunal for interim relief during the transitional period, precisely because no JAB panel existed at the time to review them. 

In other words, the ISA dismantled its internal justice mechanism at the exact moment staff needed it, then reconstructed it under conditions that raised immediate questions even among the newly appointed members.

The note goes on to document more than twenty deviations from the staffing table approved by Member States, including newly created senior posts, unilateral reclassification of positions, tailoring of vacancy annoucements and recruitment carried out outside established procedures. 

Across the Secretariat, vacancy announcements were shortened, positions were filled through consultants performing staff functions, and individuals allegedly closely associated with the Secretary-General were rapidly appointed through processes that appear to have bypassed competitive recruitment.

Restructuring the Secretariat Or Consolidating Power?

The restructuring of the Secretariat was presented as an administrative exercise. In practice, it appears to have served a very different purpose.A recurring concern emerging from the Secretariat’s restructuring is the consolidation of power around the Secretary-General through a pattern of appointments that bypassed established recruitment procedures and favored former colleagues who worked with her at the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in Nairobi during Carvalho’s tenure there between 2019 and early 2025.

Several of the individuals brought into senior roles at the ISA appear to have worked directly with Carvalho at UNEP Nairobi during that period:

  • The person appointed as Chef de Cabinet (D-2) on 6 March 2025 previously served as Deputy Director of the Ecosystems Division at UNEP in Nairobi, where he worked in the same division as Carvalho between August 2022 and early 2025. Notably, the previous incumbent of the position (D-1) at ISA was abruptly terminated shortly after Carvalho assumed office. She then reclassified the post to D-2 since the new incumbent was already a D-1. That former staff member currently has several appeals pending before the United Nations Appeals Tribunal.
  • Similarly, the Chief of Administrative Services appointed under the new structure also worked at UNEP between 2019 and 2024 as a change management consultant, during the period in which Carvalho held senior leadership roles there.
  • Another appointment concerns the Head of Strategic Communications and Global Engagement, hired as a consultant at a level equivalent to P-5, who previously served as Head of Biodiversity Communications at UNEP in Nairobi from 2009 to 2020.
  • In addition, an individual who served between November 2021 and January 2025 in communications and partnerships within UNEP’s Marine and Freshwater Branch,  a unit previously headed by Carvalho,  was subsequently appointed to a communications consultancy role at the ISA.
  • More concerning is that the former Registrar of the UN Dispute Tribunal in Nairobi which also serviced UNEP has now been appointed as a member of the newly constituted JAB.

Taken together, these appointments raise serious questions about whether the restructuring of the Secretariat has been used not simply to reorganize the institution, but to install a network of trusted former colleagues in key positions while circumventing the competitive recruitment procedures that govern international civil service appointments. The internal note addressed to the ISA auditors suggests that these cases are not isolated but part of a broader pattern of recruitment irregularities that unfolded across the Secretariat during 2025.

The Note document concludes that these practices amount to a systematic override of internal controls.

They are accompanied by allegations of payroll irregularities, improper payment of expatriate benefits to staff working remotely outside the duty station, misallocation of expenditure across budget lines, and the effective collapse of the segregation of financial control functions within the Secretariat. 

At one point in 2025, a single official appears to have exercised responsibility for budget management, finance, and internal oversight simultaneously,  a concentration of control that any basic public-sector audit framework would immediately flag as a governance red alert. 

The ISA Secretariat no longer appears to be operating within the basic guardrails of public financial management which it publishes on its own website.

Budget appropriations, which are legally authorised by Member States  appear to have been treated less as binding authorisations and more as flexible pools of funding to be rearranged after the fact.

When staff members of an international organization reach the point of repeatedly leaking internal documents, compiling detailed technical notes for external auditors, and attempting through every available channel to alert oversight bodies to what is happening inside their institution, it is rarely an act of opportunism.

More often, it reflects a last attempt to protect the organization itself when normal internal safeguards have failed. The level of detail contained in the note addressed to the ISA auditors strongly suggests that it was prepared by individuals with deep technical knowledge of the Authority’s internal operations who appear to be trying, in their own way, to prevent further institutional damage.

Member States cannot continue to turn a blind eye to the financial, administrative, and legal disorder now unfolding inside the Secretariat. At some point, the responsibility for restoring order does not lie with staff struggling to expose the problem, but with the governments that created the institution in the first place.

Institutions rarely benefit from ignoring the warnings of the people who know their internal workings best.

During her opening remarks to the Legal and Technical Commission on 23 February 2026, the Secretary-General declared that:

“Governance must guide activity, not follow it.”

At the International Seabed Authority today, the opposite seems to be the case: governance is left scrambling to catch up with arbitrary decisions that have already been taken. 

In other words, decide first and worry about governance later.

The Footnote on Sexual Harassment the United Nations Could Not Tolerate

Judicial Scrutiny, Counsel Conduct, and the Cost of Zero Tolerance

“Thou Shalt Always Read The Footnotes.”

A UN senior official once advised me to always pay close attention to footnotes in judgments. Footnotes are often where the real findings reside. They are discreet, carefully worded, and easy to overlook unless one understands what is at stake. They are where tribunals sometimes record patterns they are not yet prepared to confront head-on.

And in one recent sexual-harassment case, ATR v. Secretary-General of the United Nations, Judgment No. UNDT/2024/100  involving a senior official, Mr. Polinikis Sophocleous, a single footnote proved sufficiently unsettling to trigger an extraordinary mobilisation of the Organization’s vast legal machinery, ironically, not against the sexual harassment itself, but against the judges who recorded it.

What followed was extraordinary: a prolonged procedural campaign: motions, compelled disclosure, two detailed UNDT orders, one of them running to fifteen pages, and ultimately appellate scrutiny before the United Nations Appeals Tribunal: all orbiting a single footnote.

The Secretary-General’s legal counsel’s objective was plain: to prevent the UNDT from recording, even in a footnote, a pattern the Tribunal itself considered troubling, namely, that senior offenders in workplace sexual-harassment cases appear to receive more lenient disciplinary measures than lower-level staff.

Rather than directing its legal effort toward compensating the victim or addressing the remedial gap the Tribunal expressly acknowledged, the Organization concentrated its full legal force on eliminating any trace of judicial criticism, even when confined to a footnote.

This episode offers a clear, documentary view into how far the Secretary-General’s administration is prepared to go to control the narrative of accountability, including the strategic use of data submissions, jurisdictional maneuvers, and appellate escalation,  when the subject is discipline for sexual harassment, and the Organization’s professed “zero-tolerance” posture is placed under judicial light.

Most readers do not linger on a footnote. 

That is precisely why this one matters. It is a small space in a judgment that triggered an outsized institutional response and in doing so, it exposed the temper of the system of administration of justice at the United Nations today: the ferocity of its defensive litigation, and the priorities it reveals. What follows is a forensic reconstruction of how a footnote became a battleground and what that battleground reveals about power, accountability, and the UN’s own system of administration of justice.

The footnote itself is worth reproducing. It recorded what the Tribunal observed when reading the Administration’s own disciplinary record in the related Sophocleous case:

“The most astounding part of that judgment was the Administration’s concession that, although sexual harassment most frequently results in termination of a United Nations staff member, if the harassment occurred in the workplace and ‘the offender is a manager with considerable power over the affected individuals, the most frequently imposed disciplinary measure is that of demotion with deferment of at least one year of eligibility for consideration for promotion.

Reduced punishment for higher-level workplace harassers is troubling in that it seems contrary to both common sense and to the Organization’s professed zero-tolerance policy.

When the Organization refuses to disclose the discipline it imposed, the harasser returns to work, and the Organization later admits that managers frequently receive lighter punishment than others for sexual harassment, even the most gullible person must wonder about the Organization’s professed commitment to ‘zero tolerance’.”

The footnote appeared as an ancillary observation, without affecting the outcome, in a judgment where sexual harassment had been established, the victim’s credibility affirmed, and the imbalance of power expressly recognised. It nonetheless placed on the judicial record a concern that the Organization has long resisted confronting.

Within weeks, the Secretary-General’s administration mobilised its full legal apparatus to have it erased. A motion was filed invoking the Tribunal’s limited power of correction, with the Administration alleging that the Tribunal had relied on inaccurate information and had impermissibly suggested differential treatment based on grade. The Secretary-General requested the immediate deletion of the footnote.

What is notable is what the motion did not address. It did not challenge the finding of sexual harassment. It did not contest the Administration’s delay of more than three years in imposing the disciplinary measure on the perpetrator. It did not engage with the absence of compensation or the denial of information to the victim. Its sole focus was the footnote, to the point that the substance of the appeal under review all but receded from view.

The UN Dispute Tribunal did not take the bait. Rather than acceding to a request to excise judicial language on assertion alone, it treated the Administration’s allegations for what they were: a factual challenge requiring proof. In Order No. 167 (NBI/2024), the Tribunal directed the Administration to substantiate its claims with evidence. 

The Tribunal noted that the data invoked by the Secretary-General in its motion were drawn from a narrower timeframe than the disciplinary compendium on which the footnote was based, excluded entire staff categories, and conflated grade with supervisory authority. It therefore required the Administration to produce a comprehensive, searchable dataset covering all established cases of sexual and workplace harassment from at least 2009 to the present, including the offender’s grade, supervisory status, the nature of the misconduct, and the precise disciplinary measure imposed.

The exercise of disclosure proved revealing in ways the Administration had not intended. When the data was finally produced, it did not substantiate the claim advanced by the Secretary-General’s counsel. On the contrary, it exposed fundamental inconsistencies in how the Administration had framed its argument.

The dataset was neither methodologically coherent nor responsive to the Tribunal’s order. It mixed categories, relied on selective timeframes, and failed to distinguish meaningfully between grade, supervisory authority, and the nature of the misconduct.

Faced with this submission, the Tribunal did what courts are expected to do. In Order No. 21 (NBI/2025), spanning fifteen pages, it undertook its own analysis of the Administration’s material. Rather than accept the conclusions offered by the Secretary-General’s counsel, the Tribunal recalculated the figures, tested the assumptions on which they rested, and assessed the data against the very criteria the Administration itself had proposed.

The result was clear.

When properly analysed, the data supported, rather than undermined the Tribunal’s observation recorded in the footnote.

The Tribunal concluded that lower-level staff found responsible for sexual harassment were, in fact, more frequently subjected to termination than higher-level staff, who more often received lesser disciplinary measures. The pattern held even when controlling for variables that the Administration had invoked to argue the contrary. 

It is worth pausing here to recall the scale of what was set in motion: the mobilisation of the Secretary-General’s legal apparatus, the compulsory engagement of the Tribunal’s judicial resources, and ultimately appellate proceedings: all directed at a footnote, and pursued after the Administration had been placed on notice that its own data did not support the position advanced.

At that point, the factual dispute should have been at an end. The Tribunal expressly stated that its original observation had been “very accurate” and declined to withdraw it. It agreed only to minimal linguistic adjustments, removing two words to avoid characterising the Administration’s disciplinary record as a formal “concession.” The substance of the footnote remained intact. 

Rather than appealing the order directly, the Administration carried the footnote dispute into the appellate phase by appending the amended judgment to its appeal submissions to UNAT, ensuring that a single footnote would continue to occupy judicial scrutiny at the highest level.

The Appeals Tribunal dismantled the Administration’s position at its foundation (Judgment No. 2025-UNAT-1601). It refused to entertain the notion that the dispute concerned wording or presentation. Instead, it held that the Secretary-General’s approach amounted to an impermissible attempt to recast judicial reasoning through a correction procedure that does not exist for that purpose and all the more so after the Tribunal-ordered disclosure had validated the contested observation.

Having disposed of the premise, the Appeals Tribunal then addressed the consequence. In Judgment No. 2025-UNAT-1601, it held that the Dispute Tribunal had acted ultra vires in entertaining the motion for correction once an appeal against the judgment had been filed. The correction mechanism could not be used to reopen reasoning, reassess evidence, or recalibrate judicial language. On that basis, the Appeals Tribunal declared the purported amendment without legal effect and reinstated UNDT/2024/100 in its original form, including the footnote the Administration had sought to eliminate.

The result was decisive.

After months of litigation, compelled disclosure, judicial analysis, and appellate scrutiny, the position advanced by the Secretary-General’s counsel did not survive review. The footnote remained on the record, having exposed the lengths to which the Secretary-General’s administration was prepared to go to suppress judicial scrutiny in a case of substantiated sexual harassment.

But that resolution does not exhaust the questions this case raises.

How did the Secretary-General’s legal counsel reach a point where months of litigation, judicial time, and institutional resources were devoted to suppressing a footnote in a sexual-harassment case? At what point did this cease to be about legal argument and become something else? And do those responsible reflect on how such a course of action aligns with the standards of integrity, candour, and restraint they are bound to uphold?

The conduct of the Secretary-General’s counsel must be assessed against the standards governing legal representation before the UN tribunals. Article 4 of the Code of Conduct for Legal Representatives and Litigants in Person requires counsel to “maintain the highest standards of integrity” and to act “honestly, candidly, fairly, courteously, in good faith,” while also acting “diligently and efficiently” and avoiding unnecessary delay. 

Counsel acting with candour and integrity are expected to reassess their position when the evidentiary record no longer sustains it, and to conduct proceedings efficiently rather than exhaustively. The insistence on carrying this issue forward, despite the Tribunal’s findings, raises a legitimate question as to whether those standards were met in practice. 

It also raises a broader and unavoidable issue of accountability. Who bears the cost of this litigation strategy? Months of legal work, multiple judicial orders, detailed evidentiary analysis, and appellate proceedings were devoted to a footnote, all funded by the Organization.

Do Member States know that resources contributed by taxpayers were expended in this way? And who, within the system, is responsible for monitoring how the Secretary-General’s legal counsel deploys those resources when the objective is not to vindicate rights or resolve disputes, but to weaken judicial scrutiny of the administration itself.

To their credit, the UN Dispute Tribunal and the Appeals Tribunal did not yield. UNDT insisted on evidence, and UNAT ultimately reaffirmed that judicial reasoning is not subject to administrative pressure or litigation tactics designed to silence criticism. The attempt to intimidate the judiciary into retreat, even over a footnote, failed.

One might have expected such energy, and such resources,  to be reserved for combating sexual harassment.

Instead, they were spent on a footnote.

Inside UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency: Women Staff Speak Out on Intimidation, Aggression and Institutional Failure

This open letter was entrusted to me for publication by a group of women staff members working within the United Nations system.

It is formally addressed to Mr. Barham Salih, the newly appointed High Commissioner for UNHCR. The same concerns and supporting material were raised repeatedly over the past two years with his predecessor, Mr. Filippo Grandi, and were copied to the Secretary-General and senior UN leadership, without resulting action.

Written after the exhaustion of all internal mechanisms, the letter raises serious concerns about impunity, institutional silence, and failures of accountability within UNHCR, including the roles of oversight, ethics, and human resources functions.

I am sharing it in the interest of transparency, accountability, and informed public discussion.

*Disclaimer: This letter is published at the request of the authors. I am not a party to the matters raised.

Do More Harm: 650 Palestinian Staff Terminated in a Single Day as Lazzarini Accelerates the Dismantling of UNRWA Before His Departure

The Commissioner-General of UNRWA, Philippe Lazzarini, is presiding over the deliberate dismantling of the Agency by terminating Palestinian staff en masse under false administrative pretexts in the final weeks of his mandate.

In Gaza today, acting on his direct instructions, letters of termination are being issued with immediate effect to more than 620 Palestinian teachers, staff who were suspended less than a year ago and deliberately placed into financial asphyxiation through so-called “exceptional leave.” They were removed from work, stripped of income, isolated from their duties, and left in enforced precarity. The same justification recycled without shame is nothing but the ongoing financial crisis.

The termination letters that we have seen and verified assert that

“after careful review, the Commissioner-General has decided, pursuant to Staff Regulation 9.1, to terminate in the interest of the Agency the contracts of staff,”

mechanically appending expressions of “regret” before declaring that employment is terminated “with immediate effect.”

These expressions are false. Each of them. The assertions of “careful review,” “regret,” and “the interest of the Agency” are not merely misleading; they are knowingly untrue and will be exposed before the UN Tribunal. The termination notices rely on formulaic language to mask decisions taken in bad faith, in advance, and for an improper purpose.

The invocation of “the interest of the Agency” is being used to justify the unlawful elimination of Palestinian staff. The claim of “careful review” conceals predetermined outcomes since February 2025. The expression of “regret” serves no legal function other than to cosmetically accompany an otherwise brutal administrative act. These terms are, in fact, misrepresentations deployed to manufacture legality where none exists. Their purpose is to insulate them from accountability, judicial scrutiny, and responsibility.

For twelve consecutive years, UNRWA has operated with an annual deficit ranging between USD 100 to 120 million. At no point during those twelve years was the mass termination of Palestinian staff advanced as a corrective measure. Not because it was overlooked, but because it was never a legitimate option.

UNRWA’s deficit is not an anomaly; it is a known, structural, and politically sustained condition. Donor states have long accepted, indeed, engineered a model in which the Agency functions under permanent financial shortfall. Savings measures, austerity cycles, hiring freezes, and programmatic compression have never eliminated that deficit, nor were they intended to. Yet the Agency has continued to operate, deliver services, and fulfill its mandate every single year under those conditions.

Nothing changed in January 2026 except the decision to terminate hundreds of Palestinian staff in Gaza, Jordan, and soon in Lebanon.

The mandate of UNRWA is not discretionary expenditure. It is a legal obligation to employ Palestinian refugees to serve Palestinian refugees across education, health, relief, protection, infrastructure, and microfinance. For those unaware: staffing with Palestinian refugees is not ancillary to the mandate; it is the mandate.

The termination of teachers is therefore not a budgetary adjustment. It is a deliberate act of mandate dismantlement, executed under the false pretense of financial necessity. What is being reduced is not cost, but Palestinian presence.

The Commissioner-General has no legal or moral authority to hollow out the mandate of UNRWA under the guise of financial management. Authority to administer the Agency does not include authority to dismantle it, and the CG’s budgetary discretion does not extend to extinguishing the very purpose for which the Agency exists.

The obscenity of these decisions is entrenched in the hierarchy that sustains them. The Acting Director in Gaza, a white Western European male installed through a procedurally unlawful appointment in direct violation of governing rules, as confirmed by an investigation under the Secretary-General’s authority, continues to occupy his position without consequence, earning over USD 17,000 per month, while terminating Palestinian teachers whose monthly salaries barely reach USD 1,000.

The administration now invokes urgency, inevitability, and the alleged absence of alternatives. None withstands scrutiny. The financial conditions cited are longstanding and well-known, and the timing exposes the design. Terminations are being carried out while collective appeals challenging the unlawful suspensions remain pending before the Tribunal, and while the Commissioner-General is approaching the end of his mandate.

More than 420 of these teachers have already filed a collective appeal with the UN Tribunal, challenging the legality of their suspensions and the denial of their salaries. The Commissioner-General’s sudden acceleration toward termination is nothing but a calculated attempt to render pending appeals moot by invoking Staff Regulation 9.1 and declaring, after careful review, that their contracts are ended in the interest of the Agency. Decisions are being rushed to pre-empt judicial review and to entrench faits accomplis before accountability can attach.

This is, in fact, the opening phase of a broader strategy that extends across UNRWA’s fields of operation, staff categories, and duty stations. The pattern is already replicating.

In Amman last Thursday, the Director of Security, another white Western European male whose appointment was also contested before the UN Tribunal, issued termination letters to 20 Palestinian security staff, barring them from UNRWA premises with immediate effect. Staff were informed that their functions would be outsourced to a private security company in order to “align with the rest of the UN system.”

That justification does not withstand even minimal legal scrutiny.

UNRWA is not a generic UN entity. Its mandate is singular and non-transferable: to employ Palestinian refugees in the service of Palestinian refugees. The outsourcing of Palestinian security functions to private contractors constitutes an ultra vires action. It exceeds administrative authority by displacing Palestinian staff from posts that are integral to UNRWA’s mandate. Procurement is being misused as a vehicle to achieve an outcome that management could not lawfully impose directly: the systematic exclusion of Palestinians from their own institution.

The invocation of “alignment” functions as a pretext to legitimize discriminatory impact, whereby Palestinian staff are removed en masse while senior international positions remain untouched. The financial disparity is undisguised. The Director of Security earns between USD 12,000 and 13,000 per month. The Palestinian staff he terminated earn approximately USD 800 per month. Senior management positions remain untouched; Palestinian livelihoods are declared expendable.

The moral arithmetic speaks for itself.

In Beirut, preparations are underway for the same maneuver. Approximately 100 Palestinian staff are expected to face termination under identical pretexts, using the same administrative language and the same manufactured justifications.

These measures are being executed at the very beginning of the year, and in the final weeks preceding the Commissioner-General’s departure at the end of March, the formal conclusion of his contract. This is the terminal phase of a policy implemented with the knowledge that accountability will soon be evaded through exit.

Following the closure of UNRWA’s Jerusalem headquarters, the dismantling has shifted inward. Field offices and headquarters are now being systematically hollowed out through attrition, termination, and outsourcing. The pattern is consistent, sequential, and intentional. This trajectory mirrors, with precision, the long-articulated objective of the Israeli government: the dismantling of UNRWA not through formal abolition, but through internal erosion: reducing staff, extinguishing functions, and stripping the Agency of its Palestinian core while preserving the façade of institutional continuity.

What is unfolding is a systematic, progressive, controlled disintegration.

When the Commissioner-General assumed office, UNRWA’s staffing table reflected approximately 31,000 Palestinian staff positions, including 13,000 in Gaza. These figures are still cited publicly, with confidence and repetition.

They are false.

Insider data confirms that UNRWA’s staffing has fallen to approximately 23,000 positions. Posts have been abolished incrementally and without transparency, with the most severe acceleration occurring over the past two years. In Gaza alone, staff numbers have collapsed from 13,000 to approximately 9,000, a consequence of deaths caused by Israeli attacks, forced retirements, and now, deliberate mass termination.

The plan is no longer deniable.

UNRWA is being dismantled from within by a senior Western European management cohort that continues to invoke humanitarian language while administering collective punishment against Palestinians, many of whom are simultaneously mourning family members killed by the very government whose political objectives these measures now advance.

No Western European Director or senior official within UNRWA has demonstrated the moral courage to halt these actions. None has objected. None has refused to execute them. These officials retain their positions by implementing decisions without scrutiny or resistance. Their allegiance is not to the mandate, nor to Palestinian refugees, but to institutional survival. In that sense, they operate as mercenaries: well compensated, insulated from consequences, and valued only for their willingness to comply.

As for the Commissioner-General, he has nothing to lose. His term ends in March 2026. His exit is secured. The same is likely true for those closest to him. Decisions are taken with the certainty that consequences will not follow. Quite the opposite: they are likely to be rewarded; absorbed into other senior roles, compensated by Western governments that continue to support Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people, and repositioned within the UN system to carry forward the same discriminatory practices under different institutional banners.

The decision to terminate 650 Palestinian staff in a single day, taken in the final weeks of the Commissioner-General’s tenure, is unprecedented in the history of both the United Nations and UNRWA. Such a measure: massive in scale, irreversible in effect, and executed at the very end of an executive mandate, raises serious questions about the continued propriety of allowing the Commissioner-General to exercise unfettered executive authority. When a senior official accelerates irreversible decisions at this scale immediately before departure, the issue is no longer administrative discretion but abuse of authority in anticipation of exit.

This conduct warrants scrutiny not only of the decision itself, but of the conditions under which it was taken. Reasonable questions arise as to whether assurances have been given, whether consequences have been neutralized in advance, and whether accountability has been effectively suspended. In any other institutional context, such circumstances would trigger immediate restraint, oversight, or the withdrawal of delegated authority.

Where, then, is the Secretary-General of the United Nations in all of this? What justification exists for permitting a departing Commissioner-General, Philippe Lazzarini, to take decisions of historic magnitude in the final months of his tenure, with consequences that will long outlast his presence and fall entirely on Palestinian staff?

In mythology, when power abandoned humanity, it was Prometheus who defied it, who stole fire knowing the cost, not for recognition, not for permission, but because survival demanded action. He did not wait for consensus. He acted because inaction meant destruction.

Who, then, will act for Palestinian UNRWA staff?

Who will defy the machinery rather than continue to service it? Who will intervene when legality is being weaponized and procedure is being used to erase livelihoods?

Palestinian UNRWA staff are being erased while the world watches it happen in real time. Some are burying their families. Others are sleeping in shelters. And now they are being told, formally, politely, with immediate effect, that even their livelihoods are no longer allowed to survive.

This is how a mandate is killed: quietly, disingenuously, and from within, by the very official, Mr. Lazzarini, charged with safeguarding it, in direct violation of the oath attached to his office.

So where is Prometheus now? Who will defy power when survival demands it, rather than administer harm in its name?

The humanitarian system rests on a single, non-negotiable premise: do no harm. What is unfolding here is its deliberate inversion: do more harm. Terminate more Palestinian staff. Remove livelihoods. Deepen displacement. Align administrative decisions with the Israeli government’s long-stated objective of dismantling UNRWA and reducing the Palestinian presence in Gaza.

Yes: Do More Harm: Systematically and with Intent: One Termination Letter At A Time.

Not because it is lawful. Not because it is unavoidable. But because those authorizing it are insulated from its consequences, and because they calculate that Palestinian lives, Palestinian labour, and Palestinian rights can be extinguished administratively without cost.

This is how senior officials like Lazzarini participate in erasure: by choosing harm, authorizing it on paper, and enforcing it without ever having to fire a single shot.

Palestinians will remember you because you failed to protect them, failed to uphold the mandate entrusted to you, and willingly chose to inflict harm upon them, no different, in the end, from those who openly act as their enemy.

A Case of Déjà Vu: Judge Buffa and the Reversal of Sexual Misconduct Judgments

A critical legal analysis of UNDT Judge Buffa’s jurisprudence on sexual harassment, sexual assault, and sexual exploitation.

Despite having issued four separate UNDT judgments in sexual harassment, assault and exploitation cases in which he exonerated the perpetrators, rescinded their terminations, and awarded up to two years’ compensation in lieu, even after every single one was subsequently vacated by UNAT, UNDT Judge Buffa appears determined to persist in what can only be described as a judicial crusade to rehabilitate UN staff members found to have sexually harassed, sexually assaulted, raped or exploited their female colleagues.

What is glaring is not merely that UNAT has repeatedly nullified his judgments, it is that Judge Buffa continues to ignore, dismiss, or otherwise sidestep UNAT jurisprudence in areas where UNAT has already resolved the legal issue and articulated binding standards. The jurisprudential message from UNAT to Judge Buffa has been categorical. Yet Judge Buffa proceeds as though these precedents are advisory rather than binding, as though the legal reasoning of higher judicial authority is optional, and as though his personal interpretive framework supersedes the institutional legal regime.

In earlier writings dating back to 2023, I asked: What explains such a sustained departure from appellate jurisprudence? By what logic does a sitting judge repeatedly arrive at interpretations that UNAT has already rejected? How could a judge charged with administering the internal justice system arrive at legal conclusions so dramatically misaligned with the Organization’s zero-tolerance framework and repeatedly contradicted by appellate review?

At the time, I argued that the cultural priors and embedded social beliefs of the Judge, particularly those regarding gender, sexuality, power, and consent were not incidental to his rulings, but constitutive of them. I referenced the 2007 Duke Law Research Paper by Jennifer Zimbroff, which observed:

“studies of sexual harassment perception are not intended to answer whether any specific plaintiff’s circumstances satisfy the legal criteria for sexual harassment. Rather, they serve to demonstrate the potential differences with which victims, alleged perpetrators, judges, and juries perceive and consider appropriate handling of unwelcome sexualized approaches. Such studies may demonstrate how the cultural affiliations of different judges and jurors will influence their perceptions of whether sexual harassment occurred and, if so, was responded to appropriately.”

This is manifest in Judge Buffa’s judicial output. After reviewing all of Judge Buffa’s UNDT judgments in which he nullified or declined to substantiate sexual misconduct, all of which were later vacated entirely by UNAT, the pattern is unmistakable. His legal reasoning consistently reflects a viewpoint that normalizes male sexual entitlement and places the burden of reaction, resistance, articulation, and proof upon female victims. In so doing, he treats women’s testimony as unreliable, their silence as consent, their embarrassment as acquiescence, and their reluctance to report as insignificance.

In other words: his jurisprudence reveals a consistently gendered epistemology of disbelief.

The UNDT Code of Conduct for Judges requires fairness in proceedings and explicitly prohibits sexist or discriminatory conduct. UNDT Judges are obligated to uphold the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the ICCPR documents rooted in dignity, bodily autonomy, and equality before the law. Further, UNDT Judges are appointed by the General Assembly upon recommendations of the Internal Justice Council in consultation with OHR.

We therefore ask the Internal Justice Council and the General Assembly directly:

How can a UNDT judge whose judgments repeatedly erode the credibility of women reporting sexual misconduct; judgments that have systemically and consecutively been repudiated by UNAT, be said to meet the standard of impartiality and integrity expected under the UNDT judicial mandate?

Judge Buffa is not advancing the Secretary-General’s zero-tolerance framework for sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, and sexual abuse. In fact, his most recent judgment makes one reality brutally clear: the price that women pay when they report sexual misconduct is professional risk, reputational threat, and exposure to retaliation, while the alleged perpetrator is offered the jurisprudential shelter of Judge Buffa’s reasoning.

Unless a case of sexual violence meets an almost impossible standard (one approaching forensic documentation) Judge Buffa’s instinct is to clear the accused. Whether the staff member verbalized sexual comments, circulated pornographic imagery, engaged in invasive contact, or weaponized professional authority through sexual innuendo and sexual acts, Judge Buffa appears unwilling to attribute legal gravity to the act unless the violence is so explicit as to be undeniable.

May we therefore ask the Internal Justice Council and OHR: what safeguards are in place to ensure that UNDT judges, who are entrusted with adjudicating claims of harassment and abuse, do not themselves perpetuate the very attitudes that normalize such misconduct?

How can we ensure that those chosen to sit in judgment are truly aligned with the Organization’s legal commitments and ethical imperatives?

In case after case, Judge Buffa introduces interpretive thresholds that shift the burden of proof onto women and dilute the legal definition of harassment into a form of harmless social mischief.

Case No 1: Conteh v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2020/189

In Conteh, Conteh v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2020/189 (6 November 2020), Judge Buffa built a narrative of minimization around the perpetrator’s conduct. He characterized the groping, grabbing, and physical intrusion into women’s bodies as merely “episodic,” “not threatening,” and “without specific consequences,” even noting approvingly that the staff member “gave up the harassment when he understood that his ‘rude advances’ were not accepted.” In Judge Buffa’s view, the misconduct had “no impact (or at least a very limited impact) on the work environment,” and, most revealingly, he opined that “the heaviest disciplinary sanctions would perhaps have been appropriate if the investigators had found evidence that the Applicant had engaged in sexual relationships with his subordinates but they did not.”

Judge Buffa’s standard in Conteh appears to be: unless the misconduct crosses into explicit sexual intercourse, it cannot warrant dismissal. And so he rescinded the termination decision and ordered compensation in lieu.

UNAT’s response was unequivocal UNAT Judgment (appeal, reversal) Conteh v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. 2021-UNAT-1171. It found that Judge Buffa’s limitation of termination “only to instances of inappropriate sexual relationships” was “without authority or merit” and actively “undermines the broad spectrum of sexual harassment that can and does occur.” UNAT went on to reassert a core legal principle:

“there should be no requirement for the conduct to be repetitive,” and “one instance could conceptually be sufficient” for separation. Moreover, UNAT held that sexual harassment “does not require any concrete or palpable result,” and that “unwelcome advances and inappropriate behaviour towards colleagues such as touching their body parts… are per se grave enough to cause harm.” It further reminded Judge Buffa that the offence is not dependent on “ill intent,” nor on the frequency of professional interactions, which are “a minor element” under a zero-tolerance policy.

Conteh thus reveals the core of Buffa’s jurisprudence: sexual harm, in his view, must be physically extremerepeated, or visibly harmful in order to qualify as harassment. The effect is consistent: a systemic raising of evidentiary thresholds for victims and a lowering of accountability thresholds for perpetrators. Conteh is the jurisprudential seed from which Judge Buffa’s future exonerations sprouted.

Case No 2: UNDT Judgment: Szvetko v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2022/026

The Szvetko judgment exposes Judge Buffa’s cultural comfort with sexualized male behaviour disguised as mischief. Here, Judge Buffa treated comments such as “your breasts look like mountains” and inviting a female colleague to imagine the “pleasure” of water jets “between a woman’s legs,” and even the showing of nude male genitalia, as “euphoric jokes,” “boutades,” and as behaviour akin to “a boy on a school trip,” devoid of any intention to humiliate.

Once again, Judge Buffa’s eye is on the man, his mood, his context, his lack of maliciousness, rather than the impact on the women subjected to this conduct. The degradation of a professional woman into a sexual object is framed as childish play. Judge Buffa concluded that the misconduct “was not severe in nature” and again portrayed the perpetrator as merely exuberant rather than predatory.

UNAT’s reversal was devastating (UNAT Judgment (appeal, reversal):
Balint Szvetko v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. 2023-UNAT-1311).  It found Judge Buffa’s interpretation “speculative,” noted that he had “disregarded the evidence,” and reaffirmed the applicable legal framework. Crucially, UNAT held that this behaviour “exhibits a disposition which caused the complainants significant discomfort and anxiety and impacted their ongoing professional relationship,” and that Judge Buffa’s conclusion that the misconduct lacked severity because it occurred briefly was legally untenable. The Tribunal rejected Judge Buffa’s trivialization of pornographic exposure, stating plainly that “showing a colleague a picture of a penis can cause offence or humiliation,” and that “all individuals are entitled to be free of this kind of puerile behaviour.” The conduct, UNAT clarified, “violates the obligation of an international civil servant to uphold the highest standard of integrity,” and “naturally would undermine professional confidence.”

Here, Judge Buffa’s habitual logic becomes unmistakable: women must tolerate sexually explicit intrusion so long as the perpetrator can be framed as joking, playful, inebriated, or boyish. It is the judicial romanticization of male entitlement. Under Judge Buffa’s lens, women are expected to be resilient, unaffected, unhumiliated, and if they are humiliated, it is dismissed as hypersensitivity.

Szvetko mirrors Conteh in dismantling the same Buffa principle: that a woman must prove explicit distress, explicit damage, explicit consequences to her career rather than simply the fact of being sexually objectified in the workplace.

Case No 3: UNDT Judgment (with Buffa’s dissent): AAE v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2022/030

In AAE, Judge Buffa’s dissenting opinion exposes the apex of his judicial perspective on sexual violence. Faced with a case in which a D-1 Director raped a colleague after she told him she did not want sex and attempted to leave, Judge Buffa turned to the woman’s behaviour; not to the man’s actions,  as the decisive factor. He invoked her “friendly disposition” as “exculpatory,” and he questioned how rape could occur when the woman did not scream, did not physically struggle, and did not reiterate her objection multiple times. His reasoning assimilates friendliness into invitation and silence into consent. It asks, implicitly: why didn’t she resist harder?

But your Honour:

A Kiss is not a Free Pass for Sex.
A kiss is not a contract. and;

Silence under shock is not consent.

UNAT’s full bench demolished this reasoning UNAT Judgment (full bench): AAE v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. 2023-UNAT-1332. It held that the Director had engaged in “non-consensual sex… amounting to sexual assault,” and that relying on tacit consent or the absence of repeated objections was legally invalid. UNAT affirmed that sexual assault can occur “without threats of violence,” particularly within a power-imbalanced relationship, and accepted the victim’s explanation that she did not scream because she was “in shock,” “ashamed,” and “cognizant of her precarious situation.”

Here, as in Conteh and Szvetko, Judge Buffa’s analysis repeatedly turns to female reaction, rather than male action, as the evidentiary hinge. The woman carries the burden of proving fear; the man is relieved of the burden of proving respect. The judicial gaze is male-centric: what mattered to Judge Buffa was not whether the man violated the woman’s autonomy, but whether the woman reacted loudly enough to convince him.

Case No 4: UNDT Judgment: Makeen v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2023/071

In the Makeen case, Judge Buffa again applied his consistent judicial relativism around sexual harm, this time in the context of sexual exploitation. Here, the perpetrator was a 53-year-old married UN staff member who repeatedly engaged in sexual acts with an 18-year-old impoverished woman who cleaned his home, cooked for him, and was economically dependent on him. Yet Judge Buffa saw no power dynamic, no coercive context, no vulnerability, only “consensual” sexual interaction “pertaining to the Applicant’s private life.”

This reasoning is revealing: Judge Buffa treats power disparity as irrelevant if the victim technically agreed to be present, or did not explicitly object, or,  in this case,  was merely young, poor, unprotected, and dependent. He reads “consent” where the law sees coercion by circumstance.

UNAT’s reversal was once again categorical (Makeen v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. 2024-UNAT-1461). It held that:

“Consent is immaterial to the offence of sexual exploitation and abuse.”

With that single sentence, UNAT dismantled Judge Buffa’s entire operative premise. It went further:

“V01 was unable to fully consent due to the unequal relationship and power imbalance that existed between her and Mr. Makeen.”

Here, UNAT stated plainly what Judge Buffa refused to see: that consent is not a matter of mere verbal or physical acquiescence, but must be free of dependency, intimidation, and deprivation. The Tribunal stressed that the perpetrator held “a position of trust and support,” and that the victim’s “economic and social status put her in a state of dependency.”

UNAT also directly contradicted Judge Buffa’s claim that the misconduct pertained to private life:

“the duty of staff members to act with integrity… extends to their conduct both within and outside the workplace due to the potential reputational damage their adverse actions may cause to the Organization.”

Once again, Judge Buffa shielded a male UN actor by shrinking the scope of accountability to the boundaries of the bedroom, as though sexual access to a dependent teenager employed in one’s home were merely private recreation. UNAT restored the definition of sexual abuse to its legal and ethical meaning: exploitation of vulnerability, not romantic interaction. This case illustrates transactional sex under conditions of imbalance, dependency, and vulnerability. If a young woman cooks your meals, cleans your floors, and is financially dependent on you,  she cannot freely consent.

Judge Buffa’s approach in Makeen reveals his intellectual consistency: in Conteh, he could not see harm unless it disrupted work; in Szvetko, he could not see harassment unless accompanied by ill intent; in AAE, he could not see rape unless force or screaming occurred; and in Makeen, he could not see exploitation unless the victim explicitly vocalized objection despite dependency.

All these judgments clearly point to repetition of Judge Buffa’s cultural assumptions about women’s consent.

Case No 5: UNDT Judgment: Samarasinha v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2025/047 (July 2025) UNAT: appeal pending (not yet adjudicated at appellate stage)

And then we arrive at Samarasinha, the newest UNDT judgment issued in July 2025;  the one where Judge Buffa again cleared a male senior official at the D-1 level despite testimonies from multiple women and corroborating diplomatic witnesses.

Here the pattern repeats so perfectly it becomes almost formulaic. Even though there were clear shortcomings in the OIOS investigation, Judge Buffa went on to dismiss another allegation of sexual assault because the victim was drunk, because the recollection was not detailed twelve years later, because she had “flirtatious behaviour”  as though intoxication invalidates memory and flirting invalidates violation.

Judge Buffa wrote:

“a recollection… in a context of flirtatious behaviour… cannot substantiate an accusation of sexual assault, notably where the recollection of the events are not detailed and not lived by a sober person.”

Once again, Judge Buffa  implies that a woman who was intoxicated cannot be sexually assaulted because she cannot remember explicitly enough to satisfy him.

He even dismissed the victim’s account of being pinned in bed as “weak,” and deemed the surrounding allegations “almost meaningless” and “without relevance.” He trivialized repeated physical contact, the staring at breasts, and the delivery of invitations laced with sexual undertones as “insignificant.” He wrote that these acts lacked “sexual connotation,” as though a senior official touching a woman’s hips and waist “while inebriated” somehow falls within acceptable social interaction in Judge Buffa’s mental universe.

And most tellingly, he declared that even cumulatively, these acts were “unable to substantiate… a behaviour of a gravity able to justify a measure like ALWOP.”

In other words: even if multiple women say it, even if they say it over time, even if external witnesses corroborate it, Judge Buffa does not find it serious.

Across these judgments, a consistent evidentiary posture emerges: women’s testimony is approached with skepticism, while male conduct is interpreted through a lens of benign intent. The result is a repeated downgrading of coercive acts into social misunderstandings and a systemic reluctance to attribute legal weight to female experience. This judicial orientation constitutes an epistemic bias,  a presumption of male innocence that persists even in the face of multiple corroborating accounts and sustained patterns of behaviour.

This consistent minimization of sexual misconduct,  repeated across ContehSzvetkoMakeenAAE, and now Samarasinha,  constitutes what I refer to as the Buffa Doctrine.

The United Nations has repeatedly affirmed that it upholds a zero-tolerance policy toward sexual harassment, sexual assault, and sexual exploitation. Yet in practice, zero tolerance is meaningless when judicial interpretation becomes a filter that drains these standards of substance. The question is no longer whether Judge Buffa’s judgments are legally flawed: UNAT has already established that by vacating four of them and will likely do the same with the fifth. The question is whether the internal justice architecture will continue to tolerate a judicial approach that repeatedly diminishes the gravity of sexual misconduct and re-centres sympathy on the perpetrators rather than the victims.

The Judges of the UNDT are not freelancers. They are appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Internal Justice Council, precisely because the legitimacy of their office derives not from personal opinion but from fidelity to the Organization’s legal framework. When a UNDT judge develops an identifiable pattern of jurisprudence that contradicts UNAT’s established standards, repeatedly, and in the same direction, affecting the same class of victims, it is no longer a matter of individual interpretation,  it becomes a matter of institutional accountability.

Judge Buffa’s judicial reasoning, across these cases, does not advance the UN’s commitments under the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the ICCPR. It does not uphold the Secretary-General’s professed principles of zero tolerance. It does not protect women in the system who report sexual misconduct. It does, however, provide a signal, loud, clear, unmistakable,  to every perpetrator who might consider testing boundaries: that if their actions fall short of cinematic brutality, there is a judge who may well reinterpret coercion as misunderstanding, predation as exuberance, and violation as miscommunication.

So we must ask: how many times must a judge be reversed: four? five? six?  before someone in authority acknowledges the pattern?

When does the Internal Justice Council intervene? When does the General Assembly exercise its oversight responsibility?

And how many women in the UN must endure professional retaliation, reputational harm, and psychological damage because a judge’s cultural biases consistently discount their experiences?

Precedent is the true expression of judicial philosophy. And Buffa’s precedents: overturned, contradicted, and repudiated,  speak to a persistent bias incompatible with impartial adjudication.

Your Boss Comments on Your Booty But the UNDT Rules it’s Just a Deadlift Adjustment.

This week, the United Nations Dispute Tribunal issued a baffling judgment to say the very least, Novo v. Secretary-General, UNDT/2025/098 (26 November 2025),  in which it rescinded the decision of termination for a former UNICEF staff member who was charged with serious misconduct for sexual harassment (and unauthorized activities).

This judgment raises serious concerns about the UNDT’s understanding of power dynamics in the workplace and about the extent to which such rulings will discourage future reporting of sexual harassment in the UN.

The judgment itself is 71 pages long and refers to detailed witness examination, cross-examination, and OIOS interview transcripts. Despite sexually harassing three female staff/consultants (all of whom filed complaints) and despite corroborating witnesses, the judge chose to believe the supervisor’s version, using a copy-paste approach to dismiss all allegations of sexual harassment, save for the unauthorized outside activities.

The Tribunal established that in one incident the staff member approached the female supervisee at a gym while she was engaged in routine physical exercise and made remarks in Bosnian implying that she was instructed by her husband to work on her “booty” using colloquial language. The perpetrator explained that he was observing her form because he noticed some technical issues during her deadlift, and he mentioned that her husband might have advised her on her technique to make her booty bigger.

In weighing whether this constituted sexual harassment by a supervisor, the judgment unbelievably reads:

“The question before this Tribunal is whether the Applicant’s behavior, unprofessional staring at V03’s posterior and the statement about her husband’s instructions, constitutes harassment or sexual harassment. In the Tribunal’s view, the Applicant’s conduct must be evaluated in context. The act of staring appears to be a pattern of habitual, subconscious observation rather than any sexual gesture or act.”

The judge went on to justify the comments by stating that the act of staring at her booty might have been:

“reflecting an awkward attempt at social interaction rather than misconduct”

And:

“the Tribunal acknowledges V03’s feelings of discomfort but considers that the subjective offence alone does not establish harassment or sexual harassment; particularly when there is no objective evidence that the behavior was sexual or intimidating. Indeed, the Tribunal considers that, once more, the Applicant displayed unprofessional and intrusive behavior, but not one of a sexual nature.”

So for all UN staff exercising at the gym, the next time your supervisor stares directly at your backside while deadlifting and comments on your “booty” don’t get uncomfortable, because according to the UNDT, it’s just social interaction… with your backside..

In another disturbing episode, the supervisor gave a different staff member (a superviosee also) a copy of the book: “Sex and Lies: True stories of women’s intimate lives in the Arab world” by Leila Slimani claiming it was “relevant to her work.”

The book is about the sexual experiences of women in Morocco and the Arab world. And as The Guardian described it, Slimani “returns to north Africa to explore sex, pornography and hypocrisy.”

The supervisee testified that her work had nothing whatsoever to do with sexual narratives, Arab women’s intimate experiences, or Morocco. She explained that she did not challenge her supervisor at the time due to power dynamics being at the lowest rank, dependent on him for contract renewal and fearing that complaints would go unaddressed in the isolated Bihać duty station.

The judge correctly established the facts but once again dismissed the allegation, filtering it through his own selective perception of harassment. According to the judge, even though the supervisee found the gift deeply inappropriate, he adopted the supervisor’s absurd justification that the gift was an act of “educational sharing,” potentially useful to humanitarian work:

“whether the book is professionally relevant can be subjective, and in some humanitarian contexts materials concerning women’s intimate experiences or trafficking may bear on protection, gender-based violence, or cultural understanding relevant to child protection work.”

The judge then criticized the supervisee’s internal reaction by stating:

“V02’s assessment of the book’s inappropriateness was based on her perception of the contents of the book, which, in turn, was based on her interpretation of the title, back cover, and online summaries.”

And dismissed the claim by concluding:

“gifting of the book does not meet the objective threshold for harassment or sexual harassment. There is no evidence of sexual intent, no pattern of sexualized conduct tied to the gifting, and no demonstration that the act interfered with VO2’s work or created a hostile work environment.”

So, if your supervisor hands you a book titled “Sex and Lies” you are apparently expected to ignore the “Sex” part, trust his enlightened intellectual intentions, and focus on theoretical cultural anthropology. After all, if the UNDT judge can turn a blind eye, so can you.

Then, in three separate incidents involving two supervisees, the staff member commented to one woman that she preferred “strong muscular men” asked another, while walking behind her:

“How tall are you? You have a very nice height for a woman”,

and later at a bar in Bihać, leaned too close to her, invading her personal space, asking if she would like to “ride in an expensive car if driven by a handsome man, and telling her she was the type of woman used to men doing favors for her”.

And in all three incidents, the judge dismissed the allegations.

On the comment about interest in muscular men, the judge reasoned:

“the remark was a casual, somewhat awkward comment about V03’s personal preferences. The fact that V03 felt uncomfortable is acknowledged and is relevant. However, subjective discomfort alone does not establish harassment or sexual harassment.”

So next time your supervisor randomly offers his unsolicited psychoanalysis of your taste in male body types, maybe you should reply, “Thank you for your professional assessment.” Because apparently, commentary on your intimate personal preferences is part of your job.

And when your supervisor asks about your height and compliments you on it, while following behind you, do not mistake it for predatory interest. The UNDT judge insists:

“comment is addressed to physical stature only, and occurred in a social, informal context involving several colleagues”…

“unwelcome and unwise conduct … falls short of proving the requisite objective severity or sexual character.”

The extent to which this judge fails to grasp the nuances of sexual harassment as experienced by women is staggering. For the vast majority of women, sexual harassment is not confined to physical contact. It is anything that intrudes upon their bodily autonomy and personal dignity: the invasive stare, the unsolicited comment about one’s curves or “booty,” the remark about one’s taste in men, the book handed with a knowing smirk that centers sexuality as its theme. This is precisely how predators operate, not with overt groping, but through a steady drip of boundary violations and insinuations.

Why should my supervisor be commenting on my physical appearance?
Why should he be giving me a book titled “Sex and Lies”, a book which The Guardian characterized as “exploring sex, pornography and hypocrisy”?
Why should he be asking me if I prefer “strong muscular men”?
Why is he leaning in, crowding my space, speaking low and close, as if intimacy is assumed?

And the fundamental question:


Why is any of this taking place inside a UN workplace that claims to champion dignity, equality, and respect?

Many men in the UN derive perverse satisfaction from making women uncomfortable. They thrive on the microaggressions, the innuendos, the baiting comments that hover just below the disciplinary threshold. They get away with it precisely because of the ambiguity,  the plausible deniability. And now, emboldened by judgments like this, they will feel even safer doing so.

These men indulge in a quiet vocation: testing how far they can intrude into the bodies, space, and psyche of the women they supervise knowing full well the power imbalance protects them. And instead of confronting this pattern, too many judges prefer to dissect each incident into sterile fragments, stripping away the lived experience of women and repackaging predatory behavior as “awkward social interaction” or “habitual staring.”

Well, here is the reality:


We are not concerned with whether he meant it sexually, poetically, or subconsciously.


We are concerned with whether a professional environment exists where women can work without being sexualized, analyzed, or targeted.

Women do not join the UN hoping their supervisor will inquire about their body shape or sexual preferences. They join believing that equality and respect are more than decorative slogans painted onto banners and mission statements.

But clearly, in the eyes of this UNDT judgment, it is all just “much ado about nothing.”

This reasoning also stands in direct contradiction with binding jurisprudence of the UN internal justice system itself. In Hallal UNDT/2011/046, para. 55, later affirmed by UNAT 2012-UNAT-207,  the Tribunal held:

“in sexual harassment cases, credible oral victim testimony alone may be fully sufficient to support a finding of serious misconduct, without further corroboration being required”

And UNAT confirmed:

“The Dispute Tribunal did not err in law in giving full evidentiary weight to the complainant’s oral testimony absent documentary corroboration.”

The jurisprudence affirms that victim testimony is legally probative and sufficient to ground a finding of misconduct. By dismissing these women’s testimony because it did not include “objective evidence,” the judge was defying settled jurisprudence. A legal standard already affirmed at the appellate level.

This inconsistency between jurisprudential requirement and judicial practice demands scrutiny. For while the Tribunal applies an intent-based threshold in this case, the Organization simultaneously asserts a trauma-aware, victim-centred approach in its reporting to the GA.  The UN itself reports to the General Assembly the following passage in the Secretary-General’s report (Report of the Secretary-General, “Special measures for protection from sexual exploitation and abuse,” A/79/789, 17 February 2025, para. 5).:

“For example, when the nine judges of the United Nations Dispute
Tribunal visited the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) in June 2024 as part of their induction into the United Nations administration of justice system, they were informed about measures in place to prevent and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse and had the opportunity to hear from the Special Coordinator
and the Victims’ Rights Advocate. The aim was to provide the judges with first-hand insights into the complexities and challenges associated with delivering protection from sexual exploitation and abuse on the ground, including the commitment to a
victim-centred approach. The Special Coordinator and the Victims’ Rights Advocate also raised concerns about the impact, especially on victims, of the protracted administrative and judicial decision-making.

Following the mission, the judges’reflections informed discussions and recommendations at the Third Meeting of Investigatory Bodies on Protection from Sexual Exploitation, Abuse and Harassment
convened jointly by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee and the United Nations Evaluation Group in June 2024. The Special Coordinator and the Victims’ Rights Advocate are planning to conduct similar information sessions with the judges of the
United Nations Appeals Tribunal during a mission to the Central African Republic scheduled to take place in early 2025.”

This is a formal declaration to Member States that the UNDT judges have been exposed to and educated on the lived realities of sexual exploitation and abuse, particularly the effects on victims. The UN uses this text to demonstrate compliance with a “victim-centred approach” implying that judicial interpretation would be informed by awareness of trauma, power asymmetry, and vulnerability.

Yet in this UNICEF judgment, the judicial reasoning shows no application of that mandate. The judge did not adopt a victim-centered evidentiary lens. Instead, he treated the testimony of three women as insufficient because it lacked “objective” proof  directly contradicting the Hallal standard, which recognizes that in sexual harassment cases, victim testimony can stand alone as probative evidence.

This illustrates a striking contradiction: before the GA, the UN asserts that judges have undergone sensitization on victim impact and reporting challenges. But in practice, the judge reverted to assessing the accused’s conduct through the lens of innocuous intent rather than evaluating its effect on the women. The “victim-centred approach” praised in GA reporting collapses under judicial reasoning that effectively places the burden of proof on victims to demonstrate not only harassment, but the perpetrator’s internal sexual intent.

What the UN presents to Member States as advancement in judicial awareness and responsiveness does not translate into adjudication. The legal framework that the UN claims to be strengthening remains selectively applied and when tested in real cases, defaults back to minimizing, reframing, and dismissing victim testimony.

A justice system that demands victims prove the psychology of their harasser is not victim-centred it is perpetrator-shielding.

And to all the women out there, I say: keep deadlifting.

Is Brazil Quietly Consolidating Control Over the ISA’s Justice System?

Today, the United Nations General Assembly is set to take a decision that will have profound implications for the International Seabed Authority (ISA) and for the integrity of the UN’s internal justice system. The Assembly will vote on the appointment of new judges to the UN Dispute Tribunal (UNDT) and the UN Appeals Tribunal (UNAT), and among the nominees recommended for appointment are two Brazilian nationals, one to each court, at the very moment when the ISA, led by a Brazilian Secretary-General, Leticia Carvalho is the subject of urgent legal challenges and procedural failures that have already alarmed observers across the system.

This convergence is a configuration that could potentially influence, concentrate, or even consolidate control over every judicial stage through which ISA administrative actions must pass. Under ISA’s statute, staff members challenge administrative decisions internally before the Joint Appeals Board (JAB). JAB’s decisions, including suspension of action requests, merits review, and recommendations, are then appealed directly to UNAT, which serves as the final and only external judicial instance for ISA matters. There is no UN Dispute Tribunal (UNDT) stage for ISA. The judicial chain is therefore short, fragile, and highly exposed to influence.

These bodies must be independent of each other, institutionally distinct, and free from any perception of national or executive influence. Yet today’s vote is taking place while the ISA’s internal justice system is still recovering from a complete shutdown triggered by the Secretary-General’s earliest decisions, and while new judges, of the same nationality as the Secretary-General (Brazil) are being nominated to the very tribunals that form the appellate pathway for ISA staff.

The vote occurring today has the potential to place a judge of the same nationality as the respondent organization’s executive head in the seat of final judicial authority over that organization. In the midst of the most serious governance crisis the ISA has ever faced, this creates an unavoidable institutional question: Who ultimately controls access to justice at the ISA?

Before her election, in July 2024, Letícia Reis de Carvalho wrapped her candidacy in the rhetoric of transparency and virtue, presenting herself as the reformer who would cleanse the ISA of the opacity she insinuated had plagued it for years:

“For me, the mission of the ISA and the leadership of the ISA is to be a trustee — an honest broker… It should offer transparency of its own procedures… If you are a trustee of the biggest commons on Earth, you cannot be called obscure or opaque in any way. We absolutely need practices that can turn things from opaqueness to transparency.” excerpt from an interview on 4 July 2024

Those promises collapsed almost immediately upon her assumption of office on 1 January 2025.

Within her first forty-eight hours, six staff members ( P-3s, P-4s, a D-1 Chief of Staff, and a D-2) the majority who had signed valid fixed-term contracts in December 2024 and had already entered on duty, received abrupt notifications informing them that ISA would be “unable to complete the onboarding process,” while two others saw their contracts suddenly terminated under the guise of restructuring. Under settled UN administrative law, acceptance of an offer followed by entry on duty completes the appointment. It cannot be undone unilaterally. UNAT has repeatedly held that such withdrawals are unlawful, constitute an abuse of authority, and violate Article 101 of the UN Charter. Nevertheless, these staff members were removed from their posts without reason, due process, or remedy.

As the staff filed urgent motions with the JAB, seeking immediate review of these abrupt decisions, the crisis escalated further. The Secretary-General dismantled the entire JAB structure within days of the motions being submitted. The tribunal ceased to function by 7 January 2025, leaving staff with no internal mechanism and no access to justice during the precise moment in which they needed it. 

When UNAT later reviewed this situation, it expressly noted Order No. 2024-591, 

“concern that the JAB was dismantled temporarily without prior warning given to ISA staff members and with no reasons provided by the Administration,” observed that this had “denying the staff members access to justice in the interim,” and concluded that “the temporary void rendered meaningless the JAB suspension of action mechanism.”

After dismantling the JAB, the ISA simultaneously moved ahead with recruitment to fill the very posts it had unlawfully vacated, thereby obstructing the possibility of reinstatement before the internal justice process had even begun.

Five weeks later, the Secretary-General appointed a new chair of the reconstituted JAB: Martha Halfeld, a former UNAT judge and, crucially, another Brazilian national. This appointment placed a compatriot with appellate-level judicial experience at the head of the very tribunal responsible for reviewing challenges to her own administrative decisions, raising profound concerns about the structural independence of ISA’s internal justice mechanism.

These concerns deepened when, in a separate motion filed by the dismissed D-1 Chief of Staff, UNAT Order No. 2024-592 (Bourrel) revealed that ISA had instructed a private security company to disable her home alarm system in Jamaica while she and her daughter were still residing there. Her sworn affidavit states that this action was intended to intimidate and cause distress, a clear breach of duty of care.

And now we return to today’s vote: a decision that will determine who sits on the UNDT and ultimately who hears appeals at UNAT.

The ISA Secretary-General is Brazilian.

The newly appointed JAB Chair is Brazilian and former UNAT judge.

One recommended UNDT judge is Brazilian.

One recommended UNAT judge is Brazilian.

The question is not whether the nominees are qualified; they are. The question is whether any justice system can afford a configuration in which the respondent (ISA), the internal reviewer (JAB chair), and both appellate judicial authorities (UNDT and UNAT judges) may all be led by nationals of the same Member State at the exact moment that the legality of ISA’s actions is under scrutiny.

The UN’s internal justice system has always held that justice must not only be done; it must be seen to be done. Today’s vote tests that principle. It raises unavoidable questions about recusal, structural safeguards, and the preservation of judicial independence.

How can ISA staff, who have already experienced the erasure of their internal tribunal, trust a system in which each stage of review now appears tethered, directly or indirectly, to a single national nexus?

What assurances will be provided that Brazilian judges will recuse themselves from ISA-related cases?

And what message does this send to the entire UN workforce about the stability, independence, and integrity of the justice system designed to protect them?

And now, as today’s vote proceeds, the configuration becomes even more difficult to ignore. Brazil has nominated one judge to the UNDT and one judge to the UNAT in the same electoral cycle; a former UNAT judge has already been installed as Chair of the ISA’s JAB; the ISA Secretary-General is Brazilian; and, adding an additional layer, one of the current members of the UN Board of Auditors and UN Panel of External Auditors ( Mr. Vital de Rêgo Filho, President of the Brazilian Federal Court of Accounts) is also Brazilian, entrusted with overseeing the financial integrity of UN entities, including the ISA.

When the respondent, the internal reviewer, the external auditor, and the proposed appellate judges all converge around a single Member State at the precise moment when the ISA’s governance is under judicial scrutiny, the question becomes unavoidable:

Is Brazil positioning itself to control the ISA’s system of justice and its fiduciary oversight, deliberately or by design? or is the UN system sleepwalking into a concentration of influence it has not yet fully understood?

How the UN Fought a Paralyzed Staff Member in Administrative Litigation

There are cases that reveal, far more than any policy document or SG speech, what the UN truly is when stripped of its rhetoric. Two recent UNDT Orders  Order No. 80 (GVA/2025) and Order No. 110 (GVA/2025), do exactly that. 

In May 2021, a long-serving UNEP staff member suffered a severe medical event that left her unable to speak, move, or respond. She became fully dependent on medical technology and constant clinical supervision: tracheostomy management, airway care, rapid-response for oxygen desaturation, seizure monitoring, and PEG-related interventions. For four years, her survival has required the presence of trained intensive-care nurses, operating in a home-based environment that replicates the core functions of a monitored clinical setting.

Her daughter, placed in the position of legal representative, continued coordinating her mother’s care while navigating the UN Worldwide Medical Plan (UNWWP), annual medical reporting, and the system of exceptional reimbursements that had been approved year after year. The UN had accepted, without dispute, that her mother’s condition required uninterrupted 24/7 medical care and multiple therapies exceeding standard plan limits.

The arrangement held. Until it didn’t.

On 24 June 2025, everything shifted. Cigna, the UN Health Insurance Provider, in coordination with the UN Health and Life Insurance Section (HLIS) and the UN Division of Healthcare Management and Occupational Safety and Health (DHMOSH), jointly informed the daughter that, as of 1 July, the services her mother had relied on for four years, services previously acknowledged as clinically essential, would no longer be covered. The reason: these services were now considered “custodial care,” a category excluded by the UN plan.

It was a decisive administrative shift delivered at the precise point where the mother’s ability to survive depended on continuity.

Shocked by the decision, the daughter, who is not a UN staff or a UN expert, sought management evaluation on 27 June and immediately filed an application for suspension of action. Her position was straightforward: withdrawing life-preserving medical care with almost no notice would have direct consequences that could not be reversed. She supported her application with medical reports, Cigna’s own written confirmation that the care constituted “medical services,” and clinical certificates describing the risks of interruption.

When the UN Dispute Tribunal examined the file, the judge noted that the decision “changed the status quo,” that the Organisation had provided no evidence supporting the reclassification, and that the Administration had not disclosed the independent medical report it claimed to rely upon. The daughter, in contrast, had substantiated every aspect of her claim.

The Tribunal appeared ready to assess the lawfulness of the decision. And at that point, the Organisation altered its position.

Before the Tribunal could rule on the suspension, the Administration granted a temporary extension of the 24/7 medical care until 30 September 2025.
With the implementation postponed, the application became moot, and the Tribunal dismissed it.

It is important to note that from the very beginning, the Administration did not limit itself to defending the medical reclassification. It immediately resorted to a stunningly aggressive tactic, attempting to block the daughter’s request on receivability grounds and arguing that the Tribunal had no jurisdiction even to hear the suspension application. In other words, instead of addressing the substance, the UN attempted to stop the case from being heard at all. This astonishing procedural maneuver illustrates the Organisation’s reflex: when confronted with a life-or-death situation affecting a former staff member, its first instinct was to litigate the technicalities of admissibility rather than engage with the urgent medical emergency at hand.

This sequence repeated itself three months later.

As the September deadline approached, the daughter filed a second suspension application on 16 September. The Administration replied by informing the Tribunal that coverage would again be extended, this time until 31 December 2025. The management evaluation was closed one day after the application was filed, rendering the matter no longer receivable.

Once again, the Tribunal could not examine the substance.

In both orders, Judge Sun implicitly warned what was happening:

The Administration was deliberately prolonging the review, granting just-enough extensions to “avoid judicial scrutiny” (words used by the Applicant, and clearly not contradicted by the Tribunal), while forcing the daughter to re-litigate every 90 days to prevent the Organization from withdrawing life-sustaining care.

The judge went so far as to remind the Administration of its “duty of care” and to urge it to stop this cycle of threats, delays, and last-minute extensions. That is as close as the Tribunal comes to reprimand outside a judgment on the merits. The judge declined to rule on the merits. But he added something rarely said in these orders. He formally reminded the UN of its duty of care:

“In view of the seriousness of the matter, the Tribunal highlights the Administration’s duty of care towards its staff members, and strongly encourages it to expedite the resolution… to avoid the need for another application.”
(Order No. 110, para. 18) 

These orders are important because they expose a system where:

  • Duty of care becomes optional.
  • Medical vulnerability becomes a legal opportunity: a chance to reduce costs under the cover of “interpretation.”
  • Staff are protected only as long as they can fight.
  • Family members become de facto litigants, expected to know insurance law, administrative law, medical guidelines, and UN internal procedures at the very moment their lives are collapsing.
  • A procedural pattern where the UN uses short-term extensions as a shield, avoiding having to justify its actions before a judge.
  • The legality of the core decision remains unexamined because each extension resets the clock.
  • A judicial record quietly flags the implications, without venturing beyond the limits of the suspension-of-action mechanism.

The case illustrates how administrative decisions can shift the ground beneath individuals who are least able to absorb disruption, and how the internal justice framework, when confined to procedural thresholds, can be prevented from addressing the underlying issue.

A former staff member with catastrophic injuries should not be engaged in legal proceedings  directly or through her daughter, just to preserve life-sustaining care. The language of the Orders shows a judge repeatedly constrained by the procedural rules of suspension applications, unable to reach the core issue because the Organisation shifts position just in time.

The facts speak clearly: confronted with a former staff member whose survival depends on uninterrupted medical care, the UN showed remarkable speed and determination in defending its administrative position, yet an equally remarkable unwillingness to honour the core obligation it owes its personnel: a duty of care that, in this case, was treated as expendable.

UNStaff4Gaza: Memorial Before Justice

On 23 October, UN Staff 4 Gaza issued a press release announcing the launch of a memorial project for UN personnel killed by Israel in Gaza. The group is led by former senior UN staff, many of whom I have worked with.

Before getting into what is fundamentally wrong, on multiple levels, with this action and with this press release, I want to acknowledge what is positive.
It is the first time a public statement explicitly uses the word killed and names the perpetrator, Israel :

“More than 370 members of UN personnel have been confirmed killed by the Israel Defense Forces since October 2023.”


Most others still refer to these colleagues as “dead,” carefully omitting the party responsible. That UN Staff 4 Gaza names Israel directly is due in large part to the fact that its leaders are former senior UN officials; otherwise, they would have been dismissed immediately by the organization. Still, they deserve credit for calling things by their name. The release also correctly states that the majority of those killed were UNRWA staff, not general “UN staff,” a distinction long overdue.

It is precisely because its leaders are former UN staff that they have space for more forceful action and bolder language, unless this entire exercise is simply a PR moment, a gateway to a few interviews on Al Jazeera or other international media, followed by silence.

A memorial has symbolic value, but it falls painfully short of what UNRWA staff killed in Gaza actually deserved. Given the positions and titles these former officials once held, they can do far more. If they genuinely seek to honour UNRWA staff, they can begin by addressing the Secretary-General and the Commissioner-General, Philippe Lazzarini, and demand to know why the families of the UNRWA staff killed in Gaza continue to be denied their entitlements.

I doubt the staff who were killed were wondering about a future memorial. Their concerns were very different: If I die, who will take care of my children? Who will support my spouse, my parents? Who will ensure my children have access to education, medicine, stability? That they have enough funds if they choose to escape this hell voluntarily?


No one lies awake at night hoping that their children will one day visit a monument with their name etched on it. They hope their children will survive and be protected.

Many will interpret this as diminishing the efforts of UN Staff 4 Gaza. It is not. I respect most of them, and I know several personally who carry the Palestinian cause with sincerity. This is precisely why their voices, reputations, and platforms matter, and why they should be used for something that will actually serve the families of the UNRWA staff killed by Israel in Gaza, many of whom were killed in the line of service.

There is another point that must be said plainly. If those killed had been American, British, German, Canadian, take your pick, there would already be dozens of committees, campaigns, and advocacy groups demanding justice, pushing relentlessly for reparations, lobbying governments, flooding the media. But when the victims are Palestinian, the system stops at pity. It never reaches action.


This is what a colonial hierarchy looks like: grief is permitted, justice is not.

A brief reminder: the Commissioner-General of UNRWA, Philippe Lazzarini, gave the bereaved families USD 300 each instead of the USD 126,000 to which they are entitled. And no, the reason is not that UNRWA has a “different set of rules.” The management deliberately excluded the Gaza staff from the annual insurance coverage.

Another reminder: to this day, the Commissioner-General has not released the Provident Fund savings of the deceased staff. These savings belong to the staff and their families, not to the Agency. Nothing prevents UNRWA from releasing these funds or, at minimum, continuing to pay their salaries against their accumulated savings until compensation is properly processed.

If the goal is truly to honour the UNRWA staff killed by Israel in Gaza, then start with real work. 

A memorial is beautiful, but beauty does not feed children, does not pay school fees, does not treat trauma, does not bring stability. What will come next is predictable: the unveiling, the photo ops for senior officials, and another round of speeches, while the families still search for someone willing to raise their case and push it forward.

A memorial may stand in stone, but justice must stand in action. Right now, the former is moving ahead, and the latter is nowhere in sight.