The Man Sent to Finish Off UNRWA

UNRWA school, Gaza City, May 2025. © Omar Al-Qattaa/AFP.

The Acting Commissioner-General of UNRWA, Christian Saunders, is reportedly preparing this week to terminate between 3,000 and 4,000 Palestinian staff, mainly in Gaza and the West Bank. The termination letters were reportedly scheduled to be issued on 1st of November 2026.

And with that, he will be one step closer to accomplishing what he was sent to UNRWA to do: dismantle the Agency, primarily in Gaza, and hand whatever remains of its operations to the so-called Board of Peace and other UN organizations, effectively erasing UNRWA’s mandate.

In other words, assisting and abetting Isr$el’s longstanding objective of annihilating UNRWA and everything it represents.

Two weeks ago, on 18 October, Mr. Saunders sent a letter to the staff unions. His message is a remarkable exercise in contradictions, convenient excuses and political doublespeak, exposing far more about the intentions of UNRWA’s current leadership than Mr. Saunders probably intended

First, Mr. Saunders has apparently acquired the ability to predict donor funding for years to come.

He informs the staff unions that donor funding for overseas assistance has declined dramatically since the beginning of 2025 and is likely to remain reduced “for years to come.”

For years to come?

How exactly does the Acting Commissioner-General know what donors will be willing to contribute for years to come?

UNRWA has traditionally struggled to forecast its financial position even three months ahead. Suddenly, Mr. Saunders can predict donor appetite several years into the future?

Unless, of course, this was never a financial forecast in the first place, but a political decision already taken at the highest levels of the UN, with a predetermined outcome: UNRWA, at least as we know it, is not meant to survive beyond 2027.

The funding crisis is merely the convenient pretext for executing that decision, and the Acting Commissioner-General’s role appears to be not to save the Agency, but to oversee its deliberate dismantling.

Mr. Saunders further asserts:

“More than 26,000 personnel across the UN have lost their jobs over the last 18 months!”

Yes, Mr. Saunders. Except that those 26,000 personnel were not, fortunately, subjected to two years of bombardment, displacement, the destruction of their homes, the killing of their families and the loss of practically everything they owned.

And since we are making comparisons, perhaps someone should remind the Acting Commissioner-General of something he knows perfectly well: UNRWA is not financed through the same assessed contributions that fund the UN Secretariat.

The UN Secretariat’s financial crisis over unpaid assessed contributions has no bearing on UNRWA’s programme budget, which is funded through voluntary contributions. Mr. Saunders knows this perfectly well, yet conveniently conflates the two to justify the mass dismissal of Palestinian staff.

Mr. Saunders goes on to warn the staff unions that unless additional funding is received within two weeks:

“I will indeed have to take the difficult decision to separate a significant number of staff. Thus any shortfall in funding can only mean a reduction in staffing levels, there is no alternative!”

By his own account, UNRWA’s current budget deficit stands at approximately $70 million, one of the lowest shortfalls the Agency has faced in at least a decade.

UNRWA has had deficits of $400 million, $300 million, $200 million, and $100 million without separating a single staff member.

But now, with a $70 million shortfall, thousands of Palestinian staff must suddenly be terminated?

What changed? The financial situation? Or the political instructions?

The numbers simply do not add up, and if anyone needed further indication of what Mr. Saunders was brought in to accomplish, and why the Secretary-General has strategically refrained from appointing a new Commissioner-General for the past year, this is precisely where I would look.

I believe we are witnessing the deliberate dismantling of UNRWA, carried out under the convenient cover of a financial crisis.

The objective is clear: progressively dismantle UNRWA’s operations, eliminate its Palestinian workforce and transfer whatever remains of its functions to the board of peace and other organizations until the Agency and its mandate magically disappear. And let us remember what UNRWA actually represents.

UNRWA’s mandate is inseparable from the history and rights of millions of Palestine refugees. Its archives preserve the records of generations of Palestinian families, their displacement, their identities, their property and their history. Its continued existence is a reminder of a refugee question that remains unresolved and of rights that successive generations of Palestinians have never relinquished.

Erase UNRWA, erase its mandate, transfer its functions elsewhere, and you are not merely restructuring a UN agency. You are helping erase the Palestinians themselves.

That is precisely what Israel has been seeking to achieve for decades. What deserves scrutiny now is the extent to which the current UN leadership, under the convenient pretext of a financial crisis, is facilitating that objective.

Mr. Saunders then attempts to justify the protection of international staff by explaining:

“It is also important to note that international staff are not funded from the program budget, they are funded by the regular budget from UN New York.”

We know perfectly well how international staff are funded. What Mr. Saunders conveniently avoids explaining is why the mass termination of Palestinian staff is not accompanied by a corresponding reduction in international staffing.

If UNRWA’s education and healthcare operations in Gaza are being dismantled, the international headquarters structure in Amman should be reduced accordingly. Its size and staffing must reflect the operations it actually supports.

Apparently, the Agency can dispense with thousands of Palestinian teachers, doctors, nurses and other frontline staff, but cannot dispense with the international officials, many of whom are working from the comfort of their desks in their home countries.

And Mr. Saunders concludes his letter with this rather astonishing remark:

“I am of course happy to meet with you and your union colleagues whenever time allows to discuss this and other matters but you should be aware that I have a very busy schedule this week.”

A very busy schedule.

Of course.

You are preparing to terminate thousands of Palestinian staff, many of whom have lost their homes, their families and practically everything they own, and the staff unions should understand that you have a very busy week.

The level of disdain is staggering.

Perhaps we should refer the matter to the Secretary-General.

Oh, but wait.

The Secretary-General has already given us his explanation:

“The problem is that there is not enough money!”

There you have it

Twenty Years as an Expat and Working for the UN

Hama/Syria. Some of the smiles I have never forgotten/Photo taken with permission

This November 2, I celebrate twenty years of living as an expat.

I left Lebanon, my home country, on 2 November 2006, heading first to Amman. From there, my work took me to a dozen cities and countries around the world, many of them in conflict zones and sometimes in extremely dangerous circumstances. I was fortunate enough to work in Syria during the war, Iraq and Mali, but also in Geneva, Cairo, New York and Cyprus, and ultimately back to Jordan.

The last ten years have been relatively stable in terms of duty stations, and have also kept me closest to my home country, Lebanon.

The first ten were a whirlwind, at times overwhelming, crushing and difficult.

So what have I learned from these twenty years, both professionally and personally?

Lesson No. 1: “Home is within you, or home is nowhere at all.” Hermann Hesse

I love this quote because it is what I used to tell my eldest son when he was still young and moving with me from one school to another. Moving is difficult, but even more so for those you carry along with you, especially children who are uprooted from their familiar surroundings, schools and friends and taken to a completely alien world. For them, it is difficult to understand why.

So I taught myself that home is within me, within my heart, my mind, my spirit and my memories. It is also in the people I get to meet, whether at work, in a new supermarket, on the street or in a park.

Whenever I had the chance, I spoke to people. Talking to strangers has been one of my favourite things to do since I was a child, because with strangers, you don’t have to prove anything. You simply long for a feeling, a connection or someone to make you laugh.

In all these encounters, I found comfort and a familiar feeling of home.

Home is a feeling, and it is within you. If you believe it, you can feel it. And if you feel it, you’re okay.

Home is not just what you leave behind, but what you keep taking with you along the way: the people you meet, the moments you share, the feelings you experience, all building on one another to create something you carry with you forever, wherever you go next.

Lesson No. 2: Instead of just embracing local culture, export yours

In the UN, one of the first things we do when we arrive at a new duty station is attend training on local customs and habits, what is politically correct and incorrect, and what to watch out for to keep ourselves safe and out of trouble. While this is definitely important, I found that sharing my own culture, without imposing it or challenging local customs, was a wonderful way to bridge gaps and sometimes even defuse tensions, whether at work or on a personal level.

In Jordan, where people traditionally greet each other with two kisses on the cheek, I insisted on the Lebanese way of giving three kisses, so much so that all my friends eventually started doing the same. At the office, some colleagues started greeting me with a bonjour and insisted on learning a few French sentences, while I learned how to eat “mansaf” properly.

By insisting on sharing my own customs and habits, I found myself recreating a little bit of home wherever I went.

Lesson No. 3: Leave your pride and your fear on the shelf

This mostly applied to start-up missions and hardship duty stations.

People tend to think that working for the UN is all about privileges and immunities, and those blue or red United Nations laissez-passer (UNLP) that you see being photographed and abused so much these days. But in reality, in a start-up mission, a senior staff member will have to roll up their sleeves just as much as an intern would.

Don’t be surprised if you’re a director and you’re asked to share a two-metre office with three or four other staff members. Often, we even shared the same desk.

Nowhere will your commitment to the UN be tested more than in a start-up mission.

You will find yourself doing things you never imagined were part of your job: going from floor to floor asking staff to leave their offices and seek immediate shelter, even though you’re not a security officer; doing a headcount every time a bomb goes off; visiting sick colleagues in hospital because there is no one else available to check on them; being sent to a military airport to receive a UN official; learning how to assemble a UN flag and its stand, and position it perfectly in the centre of the television frame when a Special Envoy suddenly decides to hold a live press conference; sending reports to UN Headquarters about whether you can see smoke or hear gunshots from your office; taking decisions that should be taken by an SRSG because they’re temporarily out of contact; or staying locked inside your car while rebels knock on your windows, trying to talk to you.

All this while keeping your head cool.

Lesson No. 4: Do not seek the perfect duty station

Strangely enough, it was in Geneva, a dream duty station for so many, that I felt the need to leave.

Who wouldn’t dream of having their morning cappuccino at the Salon des délégués, with its magnificent painted frescoes, where UN staff rub shoulders with diplomats and delegates? Or taking a lunch break at La Perle du Lac, or skating along Quai Wilson?

And yet, despite everything being seemingly perfect, the work, my wonderful colleagues, my life, something was amiss.

Perfection was simply not for me.

So I left for Syria.

Syria was the toughest and most challenging duty station of my career, not only because of the war but also mentally. Many times, when the bombs were falling around us, we would ask ourselves why we were really there and whether it was worth it.

And yet, Syria gave me the most rewarding year of my career.

In Syria, I recruited local staff who had never worked for the UN or any other NGO and trained them from the ground up. It was in Syria that I took decisions and went out of my way to protect our local colleagues, some of whom I had seen injured right before my eyes. It was in Syria that we had to come up with innovative ways to transport cash under extremely dangerous conditions just to make sure our staff were paid. It was in Syria that I witnessed firsthand how local communities in Aleppo and Hama were living in what felt like ghost cities, and where the smiles of young girls, amid everything surrounding them, broke my heart.

I was confined to working and sleeping in the same place, yet the Syrians I met opened their doors to me wherever I went. My local colleagues became more than family.

It was in Syria that I discovered that the perfect duty station was not a place, but the people who made it.

Lesson No. 5: Take care of your mental health and of others

In Syria, we were under constant shelling, day and night. A friend of mine, who had never been to a conflict zone in her life, was scared stiff when she arrived at the duty station. Every time a shell landed, she would jump out of her seat in fear.

So I taught her what our parents had taught us growing up in Lebanon: how to distinguish between incoming and outgoing fire. At first, she thought I was joking, but eventually she became the expert at telling one from the other, and without even realising it, she stopped paying so much attention to the shelling.

Sometimes, all you can do during difficult times is laugh and crack a joke. And that’s okay. Because cracking a joke when your life is under threat can sometimes help someone else keep their mental world from falling apart.

Taking a disciplined approach to physical activity is also key to protecting your mental health.

In Syria, after working hours, when I moved from my office on the left wing of the third floor of a hotel to my room on the right wing, where we slept, I insisted on practising Ashtanga yoga in whatever tiny space I had left, under the constant noise of incoming and outgoing shells.

It was there that my practice evolved the most in my life, because it finally had a purpose: to re-anchor my thoughts, my feelings and my sense of direction. It gave me purpose.

Whether it was yoga, drawing, cooking or learning a new language, all of us found solace in anchoring ourselves in something during those difficult times.

Lesson No. 6: Embrace change as the catalyst for happiness

One of the things I learned from moving so often was not to fear change, but to welcome it.

Every new duty station meant leaving behind a life I had just managed to build: a home, friends, familiar streets, favourite places and daily routines. And just when everything started to feel comfortable, it was time to pack up and leave again.

Of course, there were moments when I wondered why I kept doing this to myself.

But I also discovered that some of the happiest and most rewarding moments of my life came from finding myself in completely unfamiliar places, surrounded by people I had never met, trying to make sense of a world I knew very little about.

Change was not always easy, and it certainly did not always make me happy. But it pushed me to discover things about myself that I would probably never have discovered had I stayed where I was.

Looking back, I realise that some of the best things that happened to me happened because I was willing to leave something else behind.

Lesson No. 7: Dig deep into the history of the place

One of the things I have always tried to do when arriving at a new duty station is learn about its history, beyond what we read in our UN reports or hear in security briefings.

In Cyprus, I had the opportunity to learn about the work of the Committee on Missing Persons, which has spent decades locating, exhuming and identifying the remains of people who disappeared during the conflict, and returning them to their families.

Visiting its laboratory and seeing the painstaking work being done there gave me a completely different understanding of the island, its history and the wounds that remain open long after a conflict has ended. Cyprus was no longer just a beautiful Mediterranean island with lovely beaches and restaurants.

And then there was Mali.

When I first visited Timbuktu, I was fascinated by its history. A city that many people associate today with isolation, insecurity and conflict was once a great centre of learning, scholarship and trade, home to extraordinary libraries and manuscripts, and part of a rich African intellectual civilisation.

Understanding that history changed the way I looked at the place and its people.

Every country has a history that goes far beyond the crisis that brought the UN there in the first place. And if you don’t take the time to discover it, you risk spending years in a country without ever really understanding where you have been, why you were there in the first place, or the people and the purpose you were meant to serve.

Lesson No. 8: Invest in doing the right thing

Working for the UN means working within a system of rules, regulations, procedures and hierarchies. Some are necessary, others can be frustrating, and some can make even the simplest decision unnecessarily complicated.

Over the years, I learned that following the rules and doing the right thing are not always the same thing.

There were times when doing the right thing meant challenging a decision, questioning an instruction, finding a different way of getting something done or refusing to accept that something was impossible simply because it had never been done before.

I also learned that respect for hierarchy should never be confused with unquestioning obedience. We are there to serve the principles and values of the United Nations, not the personal interests, ambitions or preferences of the individuals who happen to occupy positions of authority.

The UN Charter does not belong to any Secretary-General, Special Representative, director or manager. Nor do the principles it embodies change depending on who happens to be in charge.

Never confuse loyalty to the United Nations and its principles with loyalty to the individuals who happen to run it.

Lesson No. 9: Speak up

Speak up when you hear something wrong being said, when you witness an inappropriate gesture, or when you read a report that deliberately conceals or distorts the truth.

Speak up when you see a contract being awarded to a vendor who has a conflict of interest, when prices are deliberately inflated, when someone receives entitlements they are not eligible for, or when appointments are made without transparency and candidates are earmarked for positions before the recruitment process has even begun.

Do not convince yourself that these things are none of your business, or that someone else will eventually deal with them.

Over the years, I learned that remaining silent does not necessarily protect you. Sometimes, it simply makes it easier for the same things to happen again.

And when you do speak up, document everything. Keep records, put things in writing and protect yourself. Because speaking up is one thing; being able to substantiate what you say is another.

Lesson No. 10: Do not sacrifice yourself and your family for the UN or any other international organisation

One of the most important things I learned over these twenty years is never to confuse who you are with the organisation you work for.

The UN does not define your worth, your abilities or what you are capable of achieving. It is an organisation you choose to join and work for, but it should never become the measure of who you are.

I have often heard people say that the UN took them to places they never imagined they would go. But I see it differently. The UN did not take me anywhere. I made the decisions to go, to take risks, to move from one duty station to another. And while we may not always choose how or when our journey with the UN ends, we certainly get to decide what we do with our lives afterwards.

And while I gave a great deal of myself to the organisation, I also learned that no job, no title and no career is worth sacrificing yourself or your family for.

I have never regretted my experience with the UN. But looking back, I realise that it is not so much what the UN taught me, but what I taught myself during all my years of service with it.

And to those who are struggling today, who feel trapped, disillusioned or afraid of what comes next: do not fear. The best is yet to come.

I don’t regret any of it.

A final personal reflection

Those who know me, or have followed my writing over the years, know that I have been a fierce critic of the United Nations. But there is an important distinction to make.

The truth is, I have always believed in the ideals of the UN and the goals it was created to achieve, because they are noble goals.

I have also always believed that the UN’s greatest strength is its staff, and its greatest weakness is its rigid, anachronistic bureaucracy and the politics that so often stand in the way of its own mandate.

And while I will continue to criticise a United Nations that, as an international body, seems to have lost its backbone, I do not believe the world would be a better place without it.

So invest in its people. They are, after all, its greatest strength.

That is, if there are any left.

Who Investigates the UN’s Investigators?

If the United Nations’ investigators can shape testimony, fail to collect objective evidence, pursue only inculpatory evidence, use leading questions, deny interpretation, expand allegations beyond the complaint, and insert into an investigative record words a witness never actually said, how much confidence can any staff member have in the integrity of a UN investigation?

In an explosive 150-page judgment issued last month, UNDT/2026/099, Cruz Nunez v. Secretary-General of the United Nations, Judge Adina Ghita tore apart an investigation by UNHCR’s Inspector General’s Office (IGO), from its legal and procedural foundations to the way evidence was collected, witnesses were questioned, testimony was recorded, exculpatory evidence was ignored and, ultimately, the findings were allowed to become the basis for disciplinary action.

This powerful  UNDT judgment will show you how far this investigation went off the rails: from leading witnesses and ignoring exculpatory evidence to altering testimony and disregarding basic investigative safeguards, all without the system catching it.

  1. The Tribunal found the investigation was structurally one-sided.

The investigators interviewed the complainant and the other witnesses before interviewing the subject. When the Applicant finally gave his version and challenged their accounts, the investigators did not go back and test those challenges with the witnesses. Because the investigators did not yet know the Applicant’s account, they did not even know what exculpatory evidence to look for. The UNDT found that the investigation therefore “focused solely on obtaining inculpatory evidence”, and its sequencing contributed to its “one-sidedness and bias.” 

This raises the question of whether the IGO’s, and in general the UN’s, investigative model is genuinely truth-seeking, or whether an investigation can become an exercise in building the allegation once an allegation has been made.

“ UNHCR’s investigative framework requires investigators to search for the truth of a matter, to seek both inculpatory and exculpatory evidence, to produce a full, fair and clear picture of the facts, and to allow the subject to present evidence and respond to the evidence relied upon … Those safeguards were not substantively satisfied here. The hearing showed that important exculpatory evidence was not adequately developed during the investigation and that the resulting evidentiary picture was neither full, nor fair, nor clear in the sense required by the applicable framework”

2. When witnesses did not corroborate the allegation, UNHCR’s investigator began feeding the allegation to them.

This is probably the most explosive methodological finding of the judgment. The UNDT observed that after open questions failed to produce much incriminating evidence, the investigator moved to closed, leading yes/no questions, describing the alleged events and asking witnesses whether they happened. 

The Judge noted that this method operated more like pressure on witnesses to confirm what an authoritative figure was telling them than an investigation. Judge Ghita concluded that the IGO’s technique can contaminate memory, distort recollection, and even create circumstances in which multiple witnesses appear to corroborate something because they have all been supplied with the same information. Consequently, statements obtained that way “cannot be trusted” and cannot be used against the alleged offender. 

“For the investigation to be truth-seeking and objective, the witnesses need to express their memories of the events, if any, and not just confirm the version of events presented to them by the investigators. Yes/no questions have no value as an investigative tool, since the context is provided by the investigator. Rather, such questions may render an investigation unlawful and abusive if the events presented by the investigators are essentially only to be confirmed by witnesses, since these types of questions can promote investigative biases rather than serve as a truth- searching tool.”

“The investigators must respect the accuracy of the witness statements and not present them to fit their own search for inculpatory evidence.”

“Investigators must not conduct the investigation for the purpose of establishing a predetermined outcome, but only to search for the truth of the events.”

“This situation proves that the way the regular investigator JA behaved in the instant case from the outset of the investigative process was tainted by a strong investigative bias against the Applicant. Her attitude was maintained during the whole investigation, as the further arguments will show.”

3. The UNDT found that words were inserted into the complainant’s written testimony that she never said.

This is staggering.

The Tribunal compared the audio, which UNHCR’s own rules identify as the primary evidence, against the written interview record. It found a paragraph in the written record saying the Applicant had grabbed the complainant under her shirt and deliberately put his hands on her skin. But the UNDT established that the complainant never actually said this in the recorded interview. The Tribunal concluded that the investigator preparing the written record “altered the content of the testimony itself by inserting words that were never spoken.”

Those inserted words then migrated from the interview record into the investigation report and ultimately into the disciplinary decision as evidence supporting misconduct and sanction.

“The Tribunal expresses deep concern over the fact that the regular investigator. JA intervened in the interview of the Complainant to substantiate a finding of misconduct; this concern is even greater given that no formal complaint regarding the respective factual circumstances was ever filed.”

“These two events constitute a severe breach of the investigator’s duty to document accurately and completely the results of investigative activities;” as established by para. 110(b) and (d) from UNHCR/AI/2019/15 and a severe breach of the Complainant’s duty to tell the truth when she is heard as a witness, under oath.”

“Considering that both actions could only have the scope of a sanction imposed on the Applicant being maintained, this may trigger an inference of collusion between the investigator JA and the Complainant.”

4. UNHCR’s IGO failed to pursue objective evidence that actually existed.

The allegations arose from an incident in a bar but the investigators did not timely seek CCTV, restaurant staff testimony, receipts, the physical layout of the venue, other contemporaneous objective evidence.

The UNDT found there was a high probability such evidence could have been obtained, and evidence later confirmed that the bar did in fact have CCTV.  By the time the UNDT was examining the matter, some of that evidence was gone forever.

The UNDT judgment noted that this defect cannot be cured at the judicial stage: a Tribunal cannot go back in time to restore witnesses’ memories or recover CCTV footage and receipts that have since disappeared. A defective investigation cannot necessarily be repaired by litigation. The investigator controls what evidence survives long enough for a staff member ever to defend himself.

5. The investigation lacked some of its most basic procedural architecture.

The Tribunal found no evidence of:

  • the mandatory preliminary assessment;
  • a documented decision initiating the investigation;
  • a decision appointing the investigators;
  • documentation concerning changes in the investigative team;
  • an approved investigation plan. 

The UNDT judgment explained that without these documents, the investigative scope becomes dangerously elastic. Judge Ghita reminded UNHCR:

“The Tribunal will state, at this point, that the Administration does not have the option to issue administrative normative acts that regulate the investigative and disciplinary process and then choose not to comply with them, despite the fact that all the relevant cited issuances state that they are mandatory to apply. As those issuances form the mandatory legal framework, they are not optional, and their disregard carries consequences for how the lawfulness of the process is evaluated.”

6. UNHCR’s investigation expanded beyond what had actually been complained about.

The Tribunal found that certain matters were investigated despite there being no formal complaint covering them, and that the process expanded into other possible forms of misconduct.

The Tribunal considered the absence of a complaint so fundamental for certain findings that it held that, for those matters, there could be neither a lawful investigation nor sanction and that the process concerning them was void. This raises the danger of investigative mission creep: eventually the staff member finds themselves defending a case materially different from the one that triggered the investigation.

7. Language safeguards failed and the investigator effectively became interpreter and investigator.

Spanish-speaking witnesses were not properly informed of their right to neutral interpretation. The Applicant specifically requested Spanish interpretation and was denied it despite demonstrated language difficulties. 

Even worse, the Tribunal found that an investigator acting in the linguistic process helped guide a witness toward terminology such as “rubbing movement.” The Tribunal concluded that this intervention weakened confidence in both the neutrality and accuracy of the interview record. 

8. The credibility assessment itself was defective.

The IGO investigators essentially reasoned that the complainant was credible because she was sober and had no reason to lie. The Tribunal expressly found that reasoning insufficient. 

Credibility is supposed to involve inconsistencies, corroboration, ability to recollect, inherent probability, bias or motive and objective evidence and not the common investigative shortcut: “I believe the witness”.

9. The safeguards after the investigation failed too.

The decision-maker had authority to seek additional information, return the case for further investigation and correct procedural deficiencies. None of that happened. Instead, according to the Tribunal, the decision-maker rubber-stamped the investigative conclusions, meaning that the defects in the investigation contaminated the disciplinary decision itself. 

And the Tribunal later observes that safeguards existed but “did not function” because the investigator’s record was not thoroughly checked by the supervisor, disciplinary decision-maker or Respondent’s counsel. Had somebody compared the transcripts with the audio, the alterations would have been discovered. 

Given the gravity of what it uncovered, Judge Ghita took the exceptional step of referring the entire investigative team itself for accountability.

“312. In accordance with art. 10.8 of the Statute of the Dispute Tribunal, the Tribunal will refer for accountability to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees the persons responsible, amongst them the author/s of the investigation report, which is not clear from the report itself, and the entire investigative team designated in the case for the deficiencies mentioned in the present Judgment. This includes (conducting an investigation without complaint/referral/report for (i) four accounts of misconduct (sexual abuse, sexual exploitation, sexual exploitation of minors, and breach of national order under staff rule 1.2(b)) and for (ii) two sets of factual circumstances concerning sexual harassment (findings number 1 and 4 of the investigation report). Also, they are referred for conducting an investigation: (a) without any preliminary assessment, (b) without the decision to start the investigation, (c) without the decision to appoint investigators, and (d) without the investigative plan for any of the five accounts of misconduct, for all the factual circumstances investigated, and (e)for their lack of search for objective evidence, and for exculpatory evidence in the case.

314. Investigator JA, in specific, is referred for accountability for (a) refusing interpreter services to the Applicant during the investigative interview when he requested to it, (b) not informing all the interviewed persons in the case that, as native Spanish speakers they were entitled to the services of a neutral interpreter during the investigation, as provided by para 81.(iv) UNHCR/AI/2019/15, for (c) presenting her colleague LN as investigator even though he signed as interpreter during Mr. AE’s testimony, and (d) a biased approach when interviewing (i) the Complainant that culminated with her altering the Complainant’s testimony as described, (ii) a biased approach during the Applicant’s interview, as she lied to him about him stating on his personnel form that he is an English native speaker and for (iii) the way the witnesses’ interviews were conducted through leading questions.

317. In the instant case, the referral is mandatory given the egregious nature of the infringement of the Applicant’s rights and the abuse of powers exercised.

318. In many jurisdictions, altering witness statements by an investigator is a criminal offense.

319. However, the Organization as a whole benefits from immunity from prosecution, and a criminal charge may be brought only if that immunity is waived.

320. As such, the only available instrument to sanction the referred facts, including those with a criminal connotation, is a referral for accountability.

321. The Tribunal stresses that the investigative team, the decision-maker in the disciplinary phase, and, later, the Respondent’s counsel are entrusted with extraordinary power over staff members. With great power comes great responsibility; that power therefore needs to be exercised in good faith and not be abused.

322. To purposely alter the declaration of the Complainant and to illegally investigate a person for offenses unrelated to the complaint and for facts not framed as misconduct, together with all the other illegalities mentioned, are extraordinary forms of abusing the respective power that had dire consequences on the Applicant.”

This is an extraordinary referral. 

The Tribunal is not criticizing a few technical errors in an otherwise sound investigation. It speaks of an “egregious” infringement of rights, “abuse of powers”, conduct with “criminal connotation”, and “extraordinary forms” of abuse by officials entrusted with “extraordinary power over staff members.”

I am not making any statement here as to whether the Applicant did or did not engage in the conduct alleged against him. That is not the point of this analysis. The point is that even a person who may have engaged in wrongdoing is entitled to an investigation that searches for the truth rather than one that helps create the evidence needed to establish it.

Now take sexual harassment out of the equation altogether. Transpose the investigative methods exposed in this judgment to a case of fraud, retaliation, abuse of authority, procurement irregularities, conflict of interest or misuse of UN resources.

An investigator fails to look for evidence that could clear the staff member. Witnesses are given the facts they are supposed to remember. Questions lead them towards the desired answer. The subject is heard only after everyone else and his answers are never properly tested. The investigation expands beyond the original allegation. And, most disturbingly here, words that were never spoken find their way into the written evidentiary record.

This is where it becomes extremely dangerous, and what has been happening for years within the United Nations and not only UNHCR.

The same investigative machinery that can legitimately uncover misconduct can, if used this way, also lead to, trap, or frame a staff member. And once that investigative report acquires the authority of an official UN document, the damage travels with it: through the disciplinary process, through administrative decisions and, potentially, through the staff member’s entire career.

For the last two decades, staff members have repeatedly alleged that OIOS and the investigative offices of UN entities can be used in both directions: to build cases against some staff members and to clear others. 

This judgment does not, by itself, prove that broader proposition, but it gives us something much harder to dismiss: a UN judge documenting, step by step, how investigative powers can be abused and how evidence can be distorted. 

And this is precisely where the so-called safeguards become problematic: the officials reviewing and ultimately acting on an investigation may simply rubber-stamp it or, as other cases have shown, may themselves be the officials who set the investigative machinery in motion in the first place, with the objective of getting rid of a staff member.

Undeniably, the UN’s investigative bodies are a system capable of producing the outcome it wants.

A system with that much power over its staff should worry everyone.

And when an investigation can be made to fit an outcome rather than the evidence, every UN staff member has reason to ask: who will investigate the investigators?

Guterres’s Plan Not to Appoint a New Commissioner-General for UNRWA

In the latest string of evidence pointing to the SG’s alignment with Israel’s and the US’s plan to dismantle UNRWA, one issue has gone almost completely unnoticed: António Guterres has still not initiated a publicly announced recruitment process for a new Commissioner-General of UNRWA.

And the longer this goes on, the more difficult it becomes to call it a delay.

The facts before us are that the departure of former Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini was fully anticipated and his term formally ended on 30 June 2026. This was a fully anticipated senior vacancy, and it certainly did not take the Secretary-General by surprise.

We estimate that Lazzarini informed the Secretary-General as early as December 2025 that he would not remain in the position, but even setting our own information aside, one date is indisputable.

By 31 March 2026, Guterres publicly acknowledged that Lazzarini’s term would end on 30 June. In fact, on that very day, Guterres announced that Christian Saunders would become Officer-in-Charge of UNRWA from 1 April to 30 June and then Acting Commissioner-General from 1 July. So already on 31 March,  three full months before Lazzarini’s term expired,  the Secretary-General was making arrangements for what would happen after his departure.

Guterres, however, did not announce that Saunders would act until a new Commissioner-General was appointed. He did not announce that recruitment for Lazzarini’s successor had begun. He did not issue a vacancy announcement. He did not announce a timetable for selecting a new Commissioner-General.

Instead, he announced that Saunders would serve as Acting Commissioner-General “until further notice”.

“Until further notice” for one of the most vital agencies in the UN’s architecture. Yet Guterres does not seem to be in any hurry to recruit a Commissioner-General. This lack of action appears intended to keep UNRWA, and with it the millions of Palestinian refugees it serves, in an indefinite state of limbo, pending perhaps the geopolitical plans that the US and Israeli administrations are carving out for the region.

Some people have speculated that a possible explanation might be that António Guterres’s own term ends in December 2026 and that he therefore does not want to bind his successor by making senior appointments so late in his mandate.

Except that the facts show precisely the opposite. The Secretary-General’s own website is incriminating evidence.

It states that “upcoming vacancies” for specific senior leadership positions are communicated to all Member States through a Note Verbale and advertised through a vacancy announcement on the Secretary-General’s website. The words “upcoming vacancies” matter.

The process is clearly designed to begin before an incumbent leaves. The Secretary-General does not need to wait until an office becomes vacant to begin searching for a successor. And in UNRWA’s case, Guterres unquestionably knew by 31 March that the position would become vacant on 30 June.

So where was the vacancy announcement?

Where was the Note Verbale?

Where was the search for candidates?

Where was the process to identify the next Commissioner-General?

And if no such process was initiated, why not?

It gets worse.

Since 5 March 2026, Guterres has announced 16 relevant senior civilian appointments across the UN system, including USGs, ASGs, heads and deputy heads of major UN entities and missions.

Among them was Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, appointed on 15 May as Under-Secretary-General for Safety and Security.

Ahunna Eziakonwa was appointed Special Adviser on Africa at the level of Under-Secretary-General in June and only began her tenure on 1 August 2026.

Edward Chaiban was appointed Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF on 2 July.

Mohamed Yahya was appointed Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs on 26 June.

Catharina Boehme was appointed Deputy Executive Director of UNFPA on the same day.

And there were many others, as shown in the attachment.

So Guterres was clearly not operating under any policy of refraining from senior appointments during the final months of his mandate.

And that is only the appointments already made. Guterres, it seems is still recruiting senior officials today. As of 26 August 2026, the Secretary-General’s own Senior Leadership Vacancies page continues to advertise senior positions, including an Assistant Secretary-General for the Office for Mine Action and Police in the Department of Peace Operations, with an application deadline of 27 August 2026; a Deputy Executive Secretary for the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, with a deadline of 4 September 2026; and an Assistant Secretary-General-level Deputy Executive Director for Humanitarian Action and Supply Operations at UNICEF, with applications closing on 7 September 2026.

And only weeks ago, the same page was recruiting an Under-Secretary-General for Internal Oversight Services, with applications closing on 28 July 2026, as well as an Assistant Secretary-General for Environmental Policy Coordination at UNEP, whose deadline was 17 July.

In other words, Guterres is not merely completing recruitment exercises that started long ago.

His administration is actively advertising, receiving applications, and running selection processes for USG- and ASG-level positions in July, August, and September 2026, positions whose incumbents will inevitably serve beyond the end of Guterres’s own mandate.

So the argument that a new UNRWA Commissioner-General cannot be recruited because Guterres leaves office in December simply does not stand.

If the SG can recruit a new USG for OIOS in July, an ASG for peace operations in August and an ASG-level Deputy Executive Director for UNICEF with applications closing in September, why can he not recruit a Commissioner-General for UNRWA?

It is no secret that Israel has openly sought the dismantling of UNRWA and that the United States has withdrawn its support. UNRWA premises have been attacked, hundreds of its staff killed, its operations restricted and its very future openly questioned.

In the final months of his tenure, former UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini took unprecedented measures that had a significant negative impact on the Agency’s workforce. The current Acting Commissioner-General, Christian Saunders, appears to be continuing along the same path.

And there is still no indication that the Secretary-General is planning to recruit a new Commissioner-General of UNRWA anytime soon.

So, to whom does UNRWA report in reality?

Is UNRWA truly a subsidiary organ of the General Assembly, with a mandate renewed by Member States? Or has the Secretary-General effectively made himself subordinate to the political agenda of Israel and the United States?

It seems Guterres needs one final reminder:

The Commissioner-General is not an optional position that can simply disappear because the political circumstances surrounding the Agency have become inconvenient, nor because Israel and the United States would prefer it to do so.

Guterres may leave UNRWA’s leadership vacant. He cannot vacate its mandate.

Why UNRWA Is Never Led by an Arab


Leadership, power, and the deliberate exclusion at the heart of the Palestine refugee system

With less than two months remaining in UNRWA CG’s mandate, and as he appears to be leveraging the closing phase of his term to take far-reaching executive decisions that risk dismantling UNRWA, attention is already shifting to the question of succession.

Who will be the next Commissioner-General? A German? An Italian? A Swiss? A British national? An American? A Swedish or Norwegian candidate?

And yet, conspicuously absent from the discussion is any mention of an Arab national or even a candidate from a host country. Why is that?

Why is it that an agency with such a unique mandate, employing approximately 31,000 Palestine refugees to serve nearly five million Palestine refugees across Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan must invariably be headed by a Western European or American Commissioner-General?

Why is it considered inconceivable for an Arab national, more specifically a candidate from one of the host countries, to preside over an agency that operates almost entirely on their territory, serves their populations, and relies so heavily on their political and social environment?

Take, by contrast, one of the five regional commissions operating within the United Nations system: the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA). ESCWA serves 21 Arab States across Western Asia and North Africa, and its Executive Secretary has consistently been appointed from among nationals of those very member States. 

So why is UNRWA, an agency operating almost exclusively in the Arab region and serving a Palestinian refugee population, invariably presided over by a Western-led Commissioner-General?

I argue that this is neither incidental nor accidental. It is deliberate. 

The Commissioner-General of UNRWA is appointed by the Secretary-General following consultations with UNRWA’s Advisory Commission, which includes major donors and host countries. No formal vote or approval by the General Assembly is required. The General Assembly is merely informed of the appointment and has no authority to confirm or reject the candidate.

While UNRWA operates under the authority of the General Assembly, executive authority, including appointment power rests with the Secretary-General. This results in a highly centralized process, devoid of any competitive or transparent selection procedure, with no public shortlisting or clearly articulated criteria.

In practice, political considerations such as donor confidence, geopolitical alignments, and host-state sensitivities play a decisive role in the appointment of UNRWA’s Commissioner-General.

UNRWA’s Commissioner-General is, in effect, a political appointment of the Secretary-General, insulated from direct General Assembly approval.

By contrast, in regional commissions such as ESCWA, the Executive Secretary is appointed through a politically negotiated, intergovernmental process, requiring General Assembly approval and explicit regional buy-in.

This distinction goes directly to questions of accountability, independence, and political leverage and is particularly consequential in the current crisis context.

Since its establishment, ESCWA has been led almost exclusively by Arab nationals, appointed from within the region it serves. By contrast, UNRWA has never been led by a Palestinian, a host-country national, or even an Arab national from a major regional donor State. Its Commissioners-General have been overwhelmingly Western, predominantly European and North American.

This raises, once again, the central question: why has UNRWA never been led by an Arab?

There is no legal rule preventing the appointment of a Palestinian, a Jordanian, a Lebanese, a Syrian, or an Arab national from a major UNRWA donor State. And yet, over more than seven decades, no such appointment has ever occurred.

Instead, UNRWA’s leadership has followed a remarkably consistent pattern: Western nationality, diplomatic pedigree, acceptability to major donor States, and a perceived political “distance” from the refugee community.

The underlying reasons are rarely stated explicitly, yet they are well understood within the system.

First, UNRWA is politically inconvenient. It embodies an unresolved refugee question that powerful States would prefer to manage, contain, or quietly sunset. A Commissioner-General drawn from the refugee community or even from a host State would be more difficult to pressure, harder to discipline, and less easily aligned with donor red lines.

Second, funding equals leverage. Unlike other United Nations entities or regional commissions such as ESCWA, UNRWA is funded almost entirely through voluntary contributions. Western donors do not merely fund the Agency; they actively shape its operating space. Leadership, in turn, is selected accordingly.

Third, control is mistaken for neutrality.
Western leadership is presented as “impartial,” while regional leadership is implicitly framed as “political.” This assumption is neither neutral nor defensible: it simply reflects whose politics are normalized.

Fourth, there is an unspoken trust deficit.
Palestinians are trusted to teach, heal, vaccinate, rebuild and increasingly, to absorb institutional collapse. But they are not trusted to lead.

So who, then, controls UNRWA? And does this amount to a form of colonization of the Palestine cause?

If colonization is understood as the systematic removal of decision-making power from those most directly affected, the answer becomes difficult to avoid

UNRWA serves Palestinians, is staffed overwhelmingly by Palestinians, and operates almost entirely in Palestinian camps and communities; yet it has been led, without exception, by outsiders, overwhelmingly Western.

Those who decide are not those who live with the consequences. Indeed, leadership matters: it shapes how crises are framed, how staff are treated, how cuts are imposed, and how accountability is exercised or avoided. This is precisely what we are witnessing today through mass suspensions, terminations, and salary cuts implemented under the current Commissioner-General of UNRWA.

While the Commissioner-General of UNRWA should, in principle, be accountable to the Palestinian communities the Agency serves, the current governance structure ensures the opposite. By reporting directly to the Secretary-General rather than to the General Assembly, accountability flows upward: to donors and political power centers rather than downward to the Palestinian communities most affected by UNRWA’s decisions.

Why is Arab leadership considered acceptable for every United Nations body operating in the region except the one mandated to serve Palestinians?

Three factors are at play: First, a fear of political alignment with the refugee cause. Second, a fear of challenging donor orthodoxy. Third and most consequential, a deliberate preference to keep UNRWA administratively weak and politically contained.

Why? 

Because a strong, regionally rooted UNRWA leadership would be harder to dismantle.

With less than three months remaining in the current Commissioner-General’s mandate, the most consequential question confronting the Secretary-General and host countries alike is not who comes next, but why Arab leadership continues to be excluded.

Do More Harm: 650 Palestinian Staff Terminated in a Single Day as Lazzarini Accelerates the Dismantling of UNRWA Before His Departure

The Commissioner-General of UNRWA, Philippe Lazzarini, is presiding over the deliberate dismantling of the Agency by terminating Palestinian staff en masse under false administrative pretexts in the final weeks of his mandate.

In Gaza today, acting on his direct instructions, letters of termination are being issued with immediate effect to more than 620 Palestinian teachers, staff who were suspended less than a year ago and deliberately placed into financial asphyxiation through so-called “exceptional leave.” They were removed from work, stripped of income, isolated from their duties, and left in enforced precarity. The same justification recycled without shame is nothing but the ongoing financial crisis.

The termination letters that we have seen and verified assert that

“after careful review, the Commissioner-General has decided, pursuant to Staff Regulation 9.1, to terminate in the interest of the Agency the contracts of staff,”

mechanically appending expressions of “regret” before declaring that employment is terminated “with immediate effect.”

These expressions are false. Each of them. The assertions of “careful review,” “regret,” and “the interest of the Agency” are not merely misleading; they are knowingly untrue and will be exposed before the UN Tribunal. The termination notices rely on formulaic language to mask decisions taken in bad faith, in advance, and for an improper purpose.

The invocation of “the interest of the Agency” is being used to justify the unlawful elimination of Palestinian staff. The claim of “careful review” conceals predetermined outcomes since February 2025. The expression of “regret” serves no legal function other than to cosmetically accompany an otherwise brutal administrative act. These terms are, in fact, misrepresentations deployed to manufacture legality where none exists. Their purpose is to insulate them from accountability, judicial scrutiny, and responsibility.

For twelve consecutive years, UNRWA has operated with an annual deficit ranging between USD 100 to 120 million. At no point during those twelve years was the mass termination of Palestinian staff advanced as a corrective measure. Not because it was overlooked, but because it was never a legitimate option.

UNRWA’s deficit is not an anomaly; it is a known, structural, and politically sustained condition. Donor states have long accepted, indeed, engineered a model in which the Agency functions under permanent financial shortfall. Savings measures, austerity cycles, hiring freezes, and programmatic compression have never eliminated that deficit, nor were they intended to. Yet the Agency has continued to operate, deliver services, and fulfill its mandate every single year under those conditions.

Nothing changed in January 2026 except the decision to terminate hundreds of Palestinian staff in Gaza, Jordan, and soon in Lebanon.

The mandate of UNRWA is not discretionary expenditure. It is a legal obligation to employ Palestinian refugees to serve Palestinian refugees across education, health, relief, protection, infrastructure, and microfinance. For those unaware: staffing with Palestinian refugees is not ancillary to the mandate; it is the mandate.

The termination of teachers is therefore not a budgetary adjustment. It is a deliberate act of mandate dismantlement, executed under the false pretense of financial necessity. What is being reduced is not cost, but Palestinian presence.

The Commissioner-General has no legal or moral authority to hollow out the mandate of UNRWA under the guise of financial management. Authority to administer the Agency does not include authority to dismantle it, and the CG’s budgetary discretion does not extend to extinguishing the very purpose for which the Agency exists.

The obscenity of these decisions is entrenched in the hierarchy that sustains them. The Acting Director in Gaza, a white Western European male installed through a procedurally unlawful appointment in direct violation of governing rules, as confirmed by an investigation under the Secretary-General’s authority, continues to occupy his position without consequence, earning over USD 17,000 per month, while terminating Palestinian teachers whose monthly salaries barely reach USD 1,000.

The administration now invokes urgency, inevitability, and the alleged absence of alternatives. None withstands scrutiny. The financial conditions cited are longstanding and well-known, and the timing exposes the design. Terminations are being carried out while collective appeals challenging the unlawful suspensions remain pending before the Tribunal, and while the Commissioner-General is approaching the end of his mandate.

More than 420 of these teachers have already filed a collective appeal with the UN Tribunal, challenging the legality of their suspensions and the denial of their salaries. The Commissioner-General’s sudden acceleration toward termination is nothing but a calculated attempt to render pending appeals moot by invoking Staff Regulation 9.1 and declaring, after careful review, that their contracts are ended in the interest of the Agency. Decisions are being rushed to pre-empt judicial review and to entrench faits accomplis before accountability can attach.

This is, in fact, the opening phase of a broader strategy that extends across UNRWA’s fields of operation, staff categories, and duty stations. The pattern is already replicating.

In Amman last Thursday, the Director of Security, another white Western European male whose appointment was also contested before the UN Tribunal, issued termination letters to 20 Palestinian security staff, barring them from UNRWA premises with immediate effect. Staff were informed that their functions would be outsourced to a private security company in order to “align with the rest of the UN system.”

That justification does not withstand even minimal legal scrutiny.

UNRWA is not a generic UN entity. Its mandate is singular and non-transferable: to employ Palestinian refugees in the service of Palestinian refugees. The outsourcing of Palestinian security functions to private contractors constitutes an ultra vires action. It exceeds administrative authority by displacing Palestinian staff from posts that are integral to UNRWA’s mandate. Procurement is being misused as a vehicle to achieve an outcome that management could not lawfully impose directly: the systematic exclusion of Palestinians from their own institution.

The invocation of “alignment” functions as a pretext to legitimize discriminatory impact, whereby Palestinian staff are removed en masse while senior international positions remain untouched. The financial disparity is undisguised. The Director of Security earns between USD 12,000 and 13,000 per month. The Palestinian staff he terminated earn approximately USD 800 per month. Senior management positions remain untouched; Palestinian livelihoods are declared expendable.

The moral arithmetic speaks for itself.

In Beirut, preparations are underway for the same maneuver. Approximately 100 Palestinian staff are expected to face termination under identical pretexts, using the same administrative language and the same manufactured justifications.

These measures are being executed at the very beginning of the year, and in the final weeks preceding the Commissioner-General’s departure at the end of March, the formal conclusion of his contract. This is the terminal phase of a policy implemented with the knowledge that accountability will soon be evaded through exit.

Following the closure of UNRWA’s Jerusalem headquarters, the dismantling has shifted inward. Field offices and headquarters are now being systematically hollowed out through attrition, termination, and outsourcing. The pattern is consistent, sequential, and intentional. This trajectory mirrors, with precision, the long-articulated objective of the Israeli government: the dismantling of UNRWA not through formal abolition, but through internal erosion: reducing staff, extinguishing functions, and stripping the Agency of its Palestinian core while preserving the façade of institutional continuity.

What is unfolding is a systematic, progressive, controlled disintegration.

When the Commissioner-General assumed office, UNRWA’s staffing table reflected approximately 31,000 Palestinian staff positions, including 13,000 in Gaza. These figures are still cited publicly, with confidence and repetition.

They are false.

Insider data confirms that UNRWA’s staffing has fallen to approximately 23,000 positions. Posts have been abolished incrementally and without transparency, with the most severe acceleration occurring over the past two years. In Gaza alone, staff numbers have collapsed from 13,000 to approximately 9,000, a consequence of deaths caused by Israeli attacks, forced retirements, and now, deliberate mass termination.

The plan is no longer deniable.

UNRWA is being dismantled from within by a senior Western European management cohort that continues to invoke humanitarian language while administering collective punishment against Palestinians, many of whom are simultaneously mourning family members killed by the very government whose political objectives these measures now advance.

No Western European Director or senior official within UNRWA has demonstrated the moral courage to halt these actions. None has objected. None has refused to execute them. These officials retain their positions by implementing decisions without scrutiny or resistance. Their allegiance is not to the mandate, nor to Palestinian refugees, but to institutional survival. In that sense, they operate as mercenaries: well compensated, insulated from consequences, and valued only for their willingness to comply.

As for the Commissioner-General, he has nothing to lose. His term ends in March 2026. His exit is secured. The same is likely true for those closest to him. Decisions are taken with the certainty that consequences will not follow. Quite the opposite: they are likely to be rewarded; absorbed into other senior roles, compensated by Western governments that continue to support Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people, and repositioned within the UN system to carry forward the same discriminatory practices under different institutional banners.

The decision to terminate 650 Palestinian staff in a single day, taken in the final weeks of the Commissioner-General’s tenure, is unprecedented in the history of both the United Nations and UNRWA. Such a measure: massive in scale, irreversible in effect, and executed at the very end of an executive mandate, raises serious questions about the continued propriety of allowing the Commissioner-General to exercise unfettered executive authority. When a senior official accelerates irreversible decisions at this scale immediately before departure, the issue is no longer administrative discretion but abuse of authority in anticipation of exit.

This conduct warrants scrutiny not only of the decision itself, but of the conditions under which it was taken. Reasonable questions arise as to whether assurances have been given, whether consequences have been neutralized in advance, and whether accountability has been effectively suspended. In any other institutional context, such circumstances would trigger immediate restraint, oversight, or the withdrawal of delegated authority.

Where, then, is the Secretary-General of the United Nations in all of this? What justification exists for permitting a departing Commissioner-General, Philippe Lazzarini, to take decisions of historic magnitude in the final months of his tenure, with consequences that will long outlast his presence and fall entirely on Palestinian staff?

In mythology, when power abandoned humanity, it was Prometheus who defied it, who stole fire knowing the cost, not for recognition, not for permission, but because survival demanded action. He did not wait for consensus. He acted because inaction meant destruction.

Who, then, will act for Palestinian UNRWA staff?

Who will defy the machinery rather than continue to service it? Who will intervene when legality is being weaponized and procedure is being used to erase livelihoods?

Palestinian UNRWA staff are being erased while the world watches it happen in real time. Some are burying their families. Others are sleeping in shelters. And now they are being told, formally, politely, with immediate effect, that even their livelihoods are no longer allowed to survive.

This is how a mandate is killed: quietly, disingenuously, and from within, by the very official, Mr. Lazzarini, charged with safeguarding it, in direct violation of the oath attached to his office.

So where is Prometheus now? Who will defy power when survival demands it, rather than administer harm in its name?

The humanitarian system rests on a single, non-negotiable premise: do no harm. What is unfolding here is its deliberate inversion: do more harm. Terminate more Palestinian staff. Remove livelihoods. Deepen displacement. Align administrative decisions with the Israeli government’s long-stated objective of dismantling UNRWA and reducing the Palestinian presence in Gaza.

Yes: Do More Harm: Systematically and with Intent: One Termination Letter At A Time.

Not because it is lawful. Not because it is unavoidable. But because those authorizing it are insulated from its consequences, and because they calculate that Palestinian lives, Palestinian labour, and Palestinian rights can be extinguished administratively without cost.

This is how senior officials like Lazzarini participate in erasure: by choosing harm, authorizing it on paper, and enforcing it without ever having to fire a single shot.

Palestinians will remember you because you failed to protect them, failed to uphold the mandate entrusted to you, and willingly chose to inflict harm upon them, no different, in the end, from those who openly act as their enemy.

“Having a Baby in Africa Is Nothing”: The UN’s Moral Collapse

“I would not let the UN teach me morals. Having a baby in Africa is nothing. Where one has a baby, she wanted a baby. How many people have babies here? The UN does not understand that. The UN thinks that she has been victimized by the UN staff who came. No, it’s the opposite.”

This was the shocking statement of a MONUSCO international staff member to the UN tribunal after he was dismissed for sexual exploitation and abuse of a local woman in Goma.

Last week, the UNDT rendered a damning judgment UNDT/2025/089, Compaore v. Secretary-General, which evidences a systemic collapse of compliance with the principle of “do no harm” among UN international staff and highlights the widening gap between the Organisation’s proclaimed norms and its operational realities.

What the Tribunal recounts next reveals a level of predation that documents the institutional inability to give effect to every policy, every training, and every public assertion that the Organisation upholds the principle of ‘do no harm”. 

“The staff member met the local woman when she was selling vegetables on the roadside in Goma took her number and, within days, he was having regular sexual intercourse with her.

He knew that there was a notable status differential between him, an international United Nations staff member and the SEA survivor, a seller on the market in Goma.

The woman earned between USD 10 and USD 25 per month… she was also supporting her ten-year-old son. By contrast, the staff member’s net salary was approximately USD 14,000 per month.

He visited her at her house and started giving her significant sums of money up to half of her month’s earnings as well as promised to help opening her own business…

…when the victim informed him that she became pregnant as a result, he reacted angrily, and called her a ‘prostitute’ and ‘thief,’ telling her to leave his house.

He then took the local woman far to meet with a pharmacist that he knew, using a UN vehicle. At the location of the pharmacist, he asked her to do a pregnancy test, which was positive.

He then asked the pharmacist how they could arrange an abortion even though the local woman informed him that she did not want to abort. He then organized a meeting at a hotel in Goma, during which the pharmacist pressured the local woman to get an abortion; and he gave her US$ 400.00 (i.e. the equivalent of four months’ income or seven months’ rent for her) to financially incentivize her to get an abortion.

After giving her the money for an abortion, he filed a criminal complaint against her, accusing her of harassing him and of claiming money from him. In his complaint, he requested the police to verify if she was still pregnant, while being aware that abortion is a criminal offence in the DRC.

He then made the local woman sign an agreement in exchange of USD 8,000 payment. As part of this agreement, the local woman also signed a letter withdrawing allegations against him which were then pending in the local court.”

I mean if this is the outcome of years of UN training on “do no harm” then we are forced to confront the undeniable truth: something is not merely broken: something is rotten at the core. And perhaps the deeper tragedy is this: people have become so accustomed to this pattern of abuse that they have grown desensitized to it. These cases no longer shock; they are absorbed as routine background noise.

We must ask ourselves: who is reading these stories? Who is outraged? And why is this not shaking the Organisation to its foundations?

What is truly galling is that the international staff member stood before the Tribunal and insisted the relationship was consensual. The Tribunal, drawing on Makeen 2024-UNAT-1461, para. 52, citing Lucchini rejected this narrative entirely, establishing that in the face of glaring economic deprivation and an overwhelming power differential, genuine consent was impossible. Sex in such a situation is inherently coercive and any claimed consent collapses under legal and ethical scrutiny.

The Tribunal also held that the survivor’s “withdrawal of the complaints in domestic proceedings, following an $8,000 financial settlement,” does not absolve the perpetrator nor constrain the UN’s authority to act, since national acquittals do not extinguish administrative responsibility.

The staff member disputed the proportionality of his dismissal, arguing that a mere reprimand or censure would have sufficed. This position attempts to recast predatory conduct as a correctable misjudgment rather than misconduct of such severity that it renders continued employment untenable. It is a defence that collapses on its face when measured against the Organisation’s core obligations and basic standards of conduct.

The problem is just like the genocide in Palestine, people have become used to harm so much that these stories pass almost unremarkable. And the UN surely counts on this. 

Then comes the United Nations General Assembly, A/79/789, “Special measures for protection from sexual exploitation and abuse – Report of the Secretary-General” (17 February 2025). One can clearly notice how its very architecture, dense tables, aggregated indicators, and technical phrasing render the issue abstract, sterile, and distant. It categorizes suffering into percentages and trendlines, burying the human cost beneath methodology. In contrast, when one goes to the UN’s publicly accessible UN SEA misconduct data dashboard, the information is stark: individual dates, victims under 18, allegations of rape, the implementing entities involved. The dashboard is revealing, but almost no one consults it and certainly the Organisation benefits from that neglect.

The Secretary-General’s report reduces survivors to numerical entries processed through a statistical frame that neutralizes emotional and moral response. As with the enumeration of Palestinian casualties, human beings are converted into data units. Numerical abstraction becomes the mechanism of desensitization.

Let me give you a few examples of what the dashboard reveals.
Under the category of UN staff and related personnel:

  • Less than a week ago,  on 20 and 21 November,  two separate allegations were recorded against WHO personnel for sexual exploitation.
  • On 30 October, an allegation was filed against IOM for rape of a child by a UN Volunteer.
  • On 23, 21 and 20 October, three distinct allegations were filed for sexual assault of children under 18 in both IOM and UNRWA.

According to the same data, for 2024, children constituted 15% of victims, and disturbingly, an additional 17% were listed as “victim age unknown.” That alone illustrates how incomplete or deliberately under-specified the reporting is. For the same year, rape accounted for 13% of allegations, and sexual assault 20%. Assistance was provided in only 20% of cases, with the remainder categorized on the dashboard as “victim declined,” “victim did not seek assistance,” “victim unidentified,” or “victim unreachable.” This is the measure in practice of “do no harm” and of the supposed restoration of victims’ dignity.

Then there is the separate category of implementing partners whose personnel are not formally under UN authority but who execute UN-funded projects. 

  • On 4, 8, 9, 19 and 28 November 2025, five allegations were lodged for sexual assault, two involving children under 18 in connection with UNICEF-supported activities. 
  • On 9, 14, 16 and 19 October 2025, another four allegations were recorded, three of which were also for assault of children under 18, again linked to UNICEF-related projects.

I mean yes, these individuals are not UN staff; they are personnel of implementing partners. But the question is unavoidable: is the UN exercising due diligence over the entities it entrusts with its mandate? 

Does the UN engage implementing partners to improve conditions for children, or are these partnerships,  through negligence or indifference, creating new avenues for their abuse?


In 2025 so far, there have been 41 allegations of rape, of which 37 involved children under 18. These were linked to projects implemented for:

  • UNICEF (14)
  • WFP (13)
  • WHO (4)
  • UNOPS (4)
  • UNHCR (3)
  • OCHA (1)

In 2024, children under 18 accounted for at least 28% of all SEA allegations and that figure is conservative, given that an additional 24% of victims were listed as “age unknown.” 

Rape constituted 12% of total allegations that year.

Then there is the category of peacekeeping and special political missions, where rape of children is clearly systemic. It is easier to avert one’s gaze,  but perhaps this is precisely where scrutiny must intensify.

And here I am also analyzing numbers. This is the trap inherent in quantitative reporting: patterns and ratios take over, and the individual victims disappear. Behind each statistic is a life: a child with a name, a family, a history, a future now fractured.

Who explains to a 10-year-old boy that he will be alright after being raped? Who provides care and schooling for a child born of sexual exploitation? Who treats the psychological, physical, and social scars inflicted by those who arrived under the blue flag claiming protection?

Why are we still here? Why are we reading these findings while maintaining the fiction that the UN enforces a zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse? Each year we hear the same prescriptions: more funding, more training, more risk-mapping, more awareness. Yet the same patterns recur.

The Secretary-General’s report to the General Assembly is extensive and data-heavy, but this is precisely the problem: its architecture buries the actual crisis under layers of metrics and operational jargon. And there, almost unnoticed in the middle of the document, sits the real revelation:


In 2024, 64,585 United Nations staff members responded to the annual perception survey on protection from sexual exploitation and abuse. Of those, 3.65% (2,360 people) stated that it was acceptable to pay for sex, and close to 1% (555) indicated that it was acceptable to engage in sexual activity with a child,  with one-third of those respondents occupying supervisory roles.

This alone reveals how embedded and normalized the culture of sexual exploitation and abuse has become within the UN and this does not even account for uniformed personnel, national police contingents, or military forces contributed by Member States to peacekeeping missions.

So why is the situation not improving and in several respects deteriorating? Policies are revised, bulletins updated, special coordination units created,  but the real deficit lies in accountability, and not only accountability for the direct perpetrator.

And what about the perpetrators who are shielded rather than sanctioned? What about the cases quietly buried because they involve personnel with the right connections or the right nationality? What about internal directives to “avoid reputational exposure” that override the rights of victims? 

The UN pursues low-level offenders as symbolic sacrifices while preserving the machinery that protects enablers, decision-makers, and silent bystanders. The Organization reports terminations as proof of resolve, yet accountability is never directed at those within HR, Legal, Ethics, or senior management who intervened to suppress complaints, stall proceedings, or intimidate victims. That is where the deeper accountability lies, and that is precisely where none is exercised.

Why is there no scrutiny of the senior officials who instruct HR and Legal to make cases “go away”? What about the victims who never report, either out of fear or because the system has taught them that nothing will happen? What about the managers whose first instinct is to protect their own reporting profile before the Security Council or the General Assembly? And what of the Legal and HR officers who invoke “insufficient evidence” as a procedural shield as though the absence of formal proof were not itself often the product of investigative indifference or institutional suppression?

The Secretary-General’s own report acknowledges that since 2006, approximately 750 paternity and child support claims arising from UN peace operations have been recorded with over 500 still unresolved. Most Member States have failed to take any meaningful steps toward resolution. Meanwhile, the children born of these abuses, many now approaching adulthood,  remain without schooling, without healthcare, without legal recognition, and trapped in lifelong stigma. They live in conditions of uncertainty and marginalization,  the direct human legacy of UN negligence.

Protracted investigation and disciplinary timelines are cited as “systemic challenges,” but they function as structural impediments to justice. Delays in inquiry, opaque handling of outcomes, and the absence of visible consequences reinforce a culture of impunity and corrode the Organization’s credibility. Even now, there remains no real accountability for those in leadership who failed in their obligation to act. The burden falls only on the isolated offender,  never on those who enabled, ignored, or suppressed the cases.

Alarmingly, in 2024, the internal survey itself recorded a stark indicator of institutional distrust: 6% of UN respondents,roughly 3,700 staff expressed no confidence in leadership’s ability to address sexual exploitation and abuse, up from 3% the previous year.The doubling reflects a measurable deterioration in trust in leadership.

The reality we must confront is this: a child in Bangui may flee from what he perceives as the threat (the militia or armed group) and run instead toward the UN blue helmets, whom he believes to be protectors. But the risk now is that he runs straight into the arms of his abuser. The UN’s personnel (civilian and military) leverage the UN’s image as a guardian and savior to secure access to vulnerable populations. They weaponize the very trust invested in the UN.

This is what makes the situation intolerable: the UN is not a bystander to these violations but the mechanism through which access to victims is enabled. When trust itself becomes the instrument of abuse, the UN mission has already failed at its fundamental duty: protection

UNStaff4Gaza: Memorial Before Justice

On 23 October, UN Staff 4 Gaza issued a press release announcing the launch of a memorial project for UN personnel killed by Israel in Gaza. The group is led by former senior UN staff, many of whom I have worked with.

Before getting into what is fundamentally wrong, on multiple levels, with this action and with this press release, I want to acknowledge what is positive.
It is the first time a public statement explicitly uses the word killed and names the perpetrator, Israel :

“More than 370 members of UN personnel have been confirmed killed by the Israel Defense Forces since October 2023.”


Most others still refer to these colleagues as “dead,” carefully omitting the party responsible. That UN Staff 4 Gaza names Israel directly is due in large part to the fact that its leaders are former senior UN officials; otherwise, they would have been dismissed immediately by the organization. Still, they deserve credit for calling things by their name. The release also correctly states that the majority of those killed were UNRWA staff, not general “UN staff,” a distinction long overdue.

It is precisely because its leaders are former UN staff that they have space for more forceful action and bolder language, unless this entire exercise is simply a PR moment, a gateway to a few interviews on Al Jazeera or other international media, followed by silence.

A memorial has symbolic value, but it falls painfully short of what UNRWA staff killed in Gaza actually deserved. Given the positions and titles these former officials once held, they can do far more. If they genuinely seek to honour UNRWA staff, they can begin by addressing the Secretary-General and the Commissioner-General, Philippe Lazzarini, and demand to know why the families of the UNRWA staff killed in Gaza continue to be denied their entitlements.

I doubt the staff who were killed were wondering about a future memorial. Their concerns were very different: If I die, who will take care of my children? Who will support my spouse, my parents? Who will ensure my children have access to education, medicine, stability? That they have enough funds if they choose to escape this hell voluntarily?


No one lies awake at night hoping that their children will one day visit a monument with their name etched on it. They hope their children will survive and be protected.

Many will interpret this as diminishing the efforts of UN Staff 4 Gaza. It is not. I respect most of them, and I know several personally who carry the Palestinian cause with sincerity. This is precisely why their voices, reputations, and platforms matter, and why they should be used for something that will actually serve the families of the UNRWA staff killed by Israel in Gaza, many of whom were killed in the line of service.

There is another point that must be said plainly. If those killed had been American, British, German, Canadian, take your pick, there would already be dozens of committees, campaigns, and advocacy groups demanding justice, pushing relentlessly for reparations, lobbying governments, flooding the media. But when the victims are Palestinian, the system stops at pity. It never reaches action.


This is what a colonial hierarchy looks like: grief is permitted, justice is not.

A brief reminder: the Commissioner-General of UNRWA, Philippe Lazzarini, gave the bereaved families USD 300 each instead of the USD 126,000 to which they are entitled. And no, the reason is not that UNRWA has a “different set of rules.” The management deliberately excluded the Gaza staff from the annual insurance coverage.

Another reminder: to this day, the Commissioner-General has not released the Provident Fund savings of the deceased staff. These savings belong to the staff and their families, not to the Agency. Nothing prevents UNRWA from releasing these funds or, at minimum, continuing to pay their salaries against their accumulated savings until compensation is properly processed.

If the goal is truly to honour the UNRWA staff killed by Israel in Gaza, then start with real work. 

A memorial is beautiful, but beauty does not feed children, does not pay school fees, does not treat trauma, does not bring stability. What will come next is predictable: the unveiling, the photo ops for senior officials, and another round of speeches, while the families still search for someone willing to raise their case and push it forward.

A memorial may stand in stone, but justice must stand in action. Right now, the former is moving ahead, and the latter is nowhere in sight.

The Legal Erosion of Due Process: How UNRWA’s Leadership Enabled Israel’s Narrative

A Critical Legal Analysis of UNRWA’s Commissioner-General’s Termination of Nine Gaza Staff Members

I. Introduction

When the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) was established in 1949, its founding resolution (302 [IV]) mandated an independent humanitarian function, insulated from political interference. The Commissioner-General, as the agency’s head, is bound by the same Charter obligations as all senior UN officials: to act exclusively in the interest of the United Nations, free from instructions from any government.

Yet in January 2024, that principle was dramatically breached.

Following unverified Israeli allegations that several UNRWA Gaza staff members participated in the 7 October 2023 attacks, Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini swiftly terminated nine Palestinian UNRWA staff without any evidence, due process, or hearings. 

By his own admission, the Commissioner-General fired the staff “in close consultation with the Secretary-General” and “in the interest of the Agency,” even as Israel provided no substantiating proof. His actions not only violated fundamental due-process rights under UNRWA’s internal regulatory framework but also handed Israel the rhetorical weapon it had long sought: official confirmation that UNRWA employed “Hamas operatives.” This rhetoric is, of course, devoid of any truth.

Within days, Israeli authorities restricted Lazzarini’s access to Gaza, and later shuttered the Agency’s East Jerusalem office. In effect, the Commissioner-General’s legally indefensible act furnished the pretext for UNRWA’s political dismantling.

This article examines, from a purely legal perspective, how these decisions contravened the UN’s internal justice principles, undermined the agency’s independence, and blurred the boundary between humanitarian neutrality and political appeasement.


II. The Legal Framework

1. Institutional Autonomy under the UN Charter

Article 100 of the UN Charter stipulates that international civil servants “shall not seek or receive instructions from any government.” The corresponding Staff Regulation 1.1 reinforces this duty of independence. The Commissioner-General of UNRWA, although appointed by the Secretary-General, exercises authority delegated by the General Assembly, not by Member States.

The Charter therefore precludes any de facto subordination of UNRWA to a State’s political or security agenda. The Commissioner-General’s legal allegiance is to the UN system’s administrative law and to the staff regulations that safeguard fairness, neutrality, and the rule of law within the Organization, notably Article 100 of the UN Charter and Staff Regulation 1.1(a), which explicitly prohibit any UN official from seeking or receiving instructions from a government.

2. Due Process under the UNRWA Staff Rules

UNRWA’s Staff Regulations and Rules mirror the UN Secretariat’s internal justice framework, anchored in:

  • Presumption of innocence: no disciplinary measure can be imposed without clear, credible evidence. 
  • Right to be heard: staff must be informed of charges and allowed to respond before sanctions are imposed. The UNRWA nine staff did not receive any charge letters setting out the allegations, and they were not afforded any opportunity to respond before being terminated.
  • Standard of proof: allegations must be established on the “balance of probabilities” at a minimum, or “beyond a reasonable doubt” for grave misconduct. In the case at hand, since the sanction concerned staff termination (serious misconduct), the correct threshold to be applied was beyond a reasonable doubt. No standard of proof was applied to the nine staff who were terminated.
  • Proportionality and reasoned decision: sanctions must correspond to proven misconduct, supported by a reasoned administrative decision.
  • Judicial oversight: staff possess the right to appeal before the UN Dispute Tribunal (UNDT) and, subsequently, the UN Appeals Tribunal (UNAT).

These guarantees embody the UN’s internal rule of law. They are not optional, even in crises.

3. Role of the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS)

OIOS functions as the UN’s independent investigative arm. Its mandate is fact-finding, not adjudication. The final decision to impose discipline rests with the head of entity, here, the Commissioner-General, who must base that decision on verified, corroborated evidence. OIOS does not pronounce guilt; it simply reports findings.

Therefore, when OIOS states that “evidence, if authenticated and corroborated, could indicate involvement,” this signals that proof is incomplete, not that wrongdoing is established. Acting upon such an inconclusive report constitutes a fundamental procedural error.


III. Factual Chronology

1. January 2024: The Allegations

In January 2024, Israeli authorities transmitted to UNRWA a set of allegations claiming that 12 staff members in Gaza were involved in the 7 October attacks. No supporting evidence was shared. Nevertheless, Commissioner-General Lazzarini, in consultation with the Secretary-General, immediately terminated the contracts of the implicated staff “in the interest of the Agency.”

By doing so, he pre-empted both investigation and adjudication, effectively presuming guilt. The act bypassed all procedural steps mandated by the Staff Rules; notification of charges, opportunity to respond (OTR), due process, hearing in case of termination, and proportional review.

2. March–April 2024: Expansion of the Investigation

As further unverified allegations surfaced, additional staff were placed under OIOS investigation. The UN’s Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) later investigated a total of 19 UNRWA staff members after Israel provided information on an additional seven individuals in March and April 2024. 

The Commissioner-General maintained the summary terminations, justifying them as necessary to protect UNRWA’s reputation and reassure donors. Yet this justification itself contradicts the raison d’être of due process: protecting institutional integrity through law, not expediency.

3. 5 August 2024: The Commissioner-General’s Statement

Upon OIOS’s completion of its review, Commissioner-General Lazzarini issued a formal statement:

“In nine other cases, the evidence obtained by OIOS was insufficient to support the staff members’ involvement… For the remaining nine cases, the evidence – if authenticated and corroborated – could indicate involvement… I have decided… these remaining nine staff members cannot work for UNRWA. All contracts… will be terminated in the interest of the Agency.”

This language exposes the legal incoherence of the decision. “Could indicate” is a hypothetical, not a factual conclusion. Terminating staff on that basis amounts to administrative arbitrariness.

Moreover, Lazzarini acknowledged that Israel had not provided evidence despite repeated requests, yet proceeded regardless. The decision therefore lacked the essential element of facta probata (evidence proven).

The dismissals triggered a cascade of political repercussions: Israel restricted the Commissioner-General’s entry to Gaza, forced closure of UNRWA’s Jerusalem field office, and intensified its campaign to defund the Agency. Ironically, Lazzarini’s decision, intended to preserve UNRWA’s credibility, supplied Israel with the official validation it had long sought: that UNRWA employed Hamas affiliates.

5. 24 and 30 October 2025: The United Nations’ Spokesperson’s Clarification on the Record

More recently, during the 24 October 2025 noon briefing, the Deputy Spokesperson for the Secretary-General stated:

“There were a small number of UNRWA staff members who were credibly linked to Hamas, and we have fired those personnel.”

On 30 October 2025, during the noon briefing, the UN Deputy Spokesperson had to retract and publicly correct this statement:

**Clarification

“I have a clarification to make.  In the noon briefing on Friday, 24 October, responding to a question about allegations against UNRWA personnel by the Israeli authorities, I said that “there were a small number of staff members of UNRWA who were credibly linked to Hamas and we have handled that situation and fired those personnel”.

This was incorrect.  The outcome of the OIOS [Office of Internal Oversight Services] investigation into these allegations did not qualify them as credible.  Instead, OIOS said that the evidence that it obtained — if authenticated and corroborated — might indicate that the staff members may have been involved.  The Government of Israel, to date, has not provided additional elements to corroborate or authenticate the claims, although it has been asked to do so repeatedly. Furthermore, the International Court of Justice last week ruled that the State of Israel’s claim that UNRWA is infiltrated by Hamas was not substantiated, nor were allegations that UNRWA is not a neutral organisation.”

This clarification is decisive. It formally admits that no credible evidence existed. The nine staff members were therefore dismissed unlawfully, in violation of both internal due-process guarantees and the principle of presumption of innocence.

IV. Key Legal Issues Emerging from the Record

  1. Absence of Evidentiary Basis
     The Commissioner-General’s reliance on speculative OIOS language (“if authenticated and corroborated”) fails the basic evidentiary threshold required for termination. Without authenticated proof, the decision is ultra vires, beyond his lawful authority. Further, in cases of serious misconduct where the contemplated disciplinary measure could be termination, the threshold of evidence required is beyond a reasonable doubt.
  2. Violation of Due Process
      By acting before investigation and denying staff the opportunity to respond, the Commissioner-General contravened the UN’s procedural guarantees under Chapter X of the UN rules on disciplinary process, as well as Article 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (right to a fair hearing).
  3. Subordination to a Member State’s Allegations
     The Commissioner-General’s actions reflected de facto compliance with Israeli political pressure, contrary to Article 100 of the Charter and Regulation 1.1 of the Staff Regulations prohibiting receipt of instructions from governments.
  4. Public Defamation and Reputational Harm
     His statements, and their immediate media amplification, effectively branded UNRWA staff as terrorists. Even absent evidence, the public perception of guilt caused irreparable reputational damage to the Agency and the individuals concerned.
  5. Institutional Accountability Vacuum
     Despite the subsequent UN clarification and ICJ ruling dismissing Israel’s claims, no remedial action, such as reinstatement or compensation, has been taken. The absence of corrective measures perpetuates impunity within the UN’s leadership structure.

From a legal standpoint, the only appropriate remedy would be the immediate reinstatement of the nine unlawfully dismissed staff, or at the very least, an accountability review into the Commissioner-General’s conduct to restore institutional integrity.

UNRWA Is Not Hamas.

It is a United Nations agency operating under the authority of the General Assembly, employing doctors, teachers, engineers, and social workers, all of them refugees themselves, who serve under UN rules of neutrality and oversight. The attempt to recast this humanitarian institution as a militant organization is a political Israeli fabrication, and the Commissioner-General’s unlawful dismissals gave that fiction an undeserved aura of legitimacy

Beyond the procedural irregularities, the broader consequence is reputational and structural: the very act intended to protect UNRWA from political attack became the instrument that enabled it.

The Commissioner-General’s actions have contributed to fuel the narrative of Israel about UNRWA staff linked to Hamas. Contrary to his statements, the CG failed to protect UNRWA from reputational risks. Quite the contrary, it was his acts that led to an irreparable reputational damage by linking, incorrectly and unlawfully and outside any regulatory framework, the dismissal of these staff to Hamas- a damage that may prove be very difficult to repair.

The UN’s Gag Order: Staff Threatened for Speaking on Israel

On 21 September 2025, one day before the opening of the General Assembly marking the 80th Anniversary of the United Nations, the Secretary-General sent a broadcast to all UN Secretariat staff in which he threatened disciplinary action against staff who express personal views, whether in public statements, private fora, or on social media, if those views are deemed inconsistent with the Organization’s official position.

The broadcast, titled “Guidance on Personal Communications – Reminder”, reiterates staff duties under Staff Regulation 1.2(f) and the UN Ethics Office’s 2025 Guidance on Political Activities. It cautions staff to exercise restraint in their personal communications, including on private social media, reminding them that any expression, whether through posts, likes, or shares, must not conflict with the Organization’s interests or adversely reflect on their status as international civil servants. Crucially, it directs staff to ensure their communications on current crises and political matters are “consistent with the position of the Organization and the statements of the Secretary-General.” The warning is clear: non-compliance may trigger disciplinary proceedings, leading to sanctions

The SG’s message in the broadcast was unambiguous:

“Failure to do so can result in the initiation of a disciplinary process, which may result in disciplinary sanctions being imposed.”

This comes as no surprise, as the Secretary-General bends yet again to Israeli and U.S. pressure to muzzle the voices of UN staff. This manufactured silence projects a false image of consent, an image designed to shield Israel from the reality of staff dissent.

Over the past weeks, many staff have confided in me that they are retreating into silence, not out of conviction, but out of fear. Fear of losing their jobs, their salaries, their stability. I understand this deeply: they have families to sustain, obligations they cannot abandon, and many are already serving in conflict zones, enduring hardship and danger as part of their daily reality

What is new, however, is the extent to which the United Nations is willing to bend to external pressure, prepared to silence and even dismiss its own staff in order to appease two Member States, one of which is openly and actively committing a genocide and boasting of it at the podium of the General Assembly.

In 1994, during the genocide in Rwanda, there was no social media, and staff openly debated opposing views. Neutrality as a principle of international civil service already existed, but there was no talk of staff being disciplined for expressing opinions or engaging in such debates. This rigid and punitive interpretation has only been aggressively imposed in the past decade, mainly under pressure from Israel and the US.

Neutrality as a principle of international civil service already existed, but there was no notion of staff discipline being invoked against those who spoke their mind. That rigid and punitive interpretation of neutrality is a more recent phenomenon one that, over the past decade, has been aggressively driven by Israel and its donors.

In my twenty years of service across the UN system, deployed around the globe and responsible for enforcing compliance with the Code of Conduct, I had never encountered neutrality being used in this way. Not once did it become an issue with staff until I joined UNRWA. It was there that neutrality began to be systematically weaponized, not as a principle of balance, but as a tool to silence and punish dissent

It began with UNRWA, where students were forbidden from drawing maps of Palestine or their homeland under the pretext of neutrality, with U.S. donors threatening to cut funds unless such drawings were erased from UNRWA school halls. From there, the campaign escalated into systematic monitoring of UNRWA staff social media accounts, with weekly reports sent to management demanding disciplinary action. Many staff were dismissed as a result. And today, that same model is being extended to UN Headquarters staff in Geneva, New York, and across the system.

What began as pressure on one Agency has now become institutionalized across the entire United Nations system. This latest broadcast to all Secretariat staff is nothing more than the UN-wide extension of that same playbook: the silencing, disciplining, and dismissal of staff under the banner of “neutrality.”

So, under this broadcast, if a staff member states that Israel is killing thousands in Gaza, starving millions, or violating international humanitarian law, they risk being accused of breaching neutrality and subjected to disciplinary action even dismissal.

And yet, let us pause here and recall the Secretary-General’s own words. The SG is not only a political figure. He is also the Chief Administrative Officer of the United Nations, and from that very position, he has spoken those exact words at the podium of the General Assembly.

On 22 September, in his remarks to the General Assembly marking the 80th Anniversary of the UN, he declared:

“As we meet, civilians are targeted, and international law trampled in Gaza.”

And on the same day, at the High-level International Conference on Palestine, he went further and said :

“….nothing can justify the collective punishment of the Palestinian people or any form of ethnic cleansing. 

The systematic decimation of Gaza.

The starvation of the population.

The killing of tens of thousands of civilians, most of them women and children, and hundreds of our own humanitarians.

Nothing can also excuse developments in the West Bank that pose an existential threat to a Two-State solution.

The relentless expansion of settlements.

The creeping threat of annexation.

The intensification of settler violence.

All of it must stop.

The situation is morally, legally and politically intolerable.”

Scathing remarks; brave even. So why is the Secretary-General allowed to voice what his conscience compels him to say to remain sane, while staff are forbidden from saying the very same words, under threat of dismissal?

The answer is straightforward: because the vast majority of UN staff oppose this genocide. If their voices were heard, public opinion would turn even more decisively against Israel. Proof of that is already visible in the General Assembly, where the mass walkouts during the Israeli Prime Minister’s speech spoke louder than any resolution.

One thing is certain: this is an extremely dangerous trend. The UN is now actively muzzling the voices of its own staff. By silencing its own staff, the United Nations entrenches complicity at its core.

Here is the catch: this broadcast, titled ‘Guidance on Personal Communications – Reminder’ (full text above), explicitly instructs staff that any personal communications, even on private social media, must align with the official position of the Organization. That ‘position,’ of course, is articulated by the Secretary-General himself, and his own words on 22 September leave no ambiguity about what that position is.

This is the contradiction in plain sight: staff are being threatened with dismissal unless they align their views with the Secretary-General’s official position, yet when they do exactly that, they are still silenced. 

Why can the Secretary-General, as Chief Administrative Officer, speak publicly and denounce ethnic cleansing, starvation, and the trampling of international law, yet staff who echo his very words are punished, investigated, or even dismissed? 

This contradiction institutionalizes censorship at the very heart of the United Nations and signals a dangerous erosion of the independence of its international civil service.

If the Secretary-General may speak truth to power, why are staff denied that same right?