The Footnote on Sexual Harassment the United Nations Could Not Tolerate

Judicial Scrutiny, Counsel Conduct, and the Cost of Zero Tolerance

“Thou Shalt Always Read The Footnotes.”

A UN senior official once advised me to always pay close attention to footnotes in judgments. Footnotes are often where the real findings reside. They are discreet, carefully worded, and easy to overlook unless one understands what is at stake. They are where tribunals sometimes record patterns they are not yet prepared to confront head-on.

And in one recent sexual-harassment case, ATR v. Secretary-General of the United Nations, Judgment No. UNDT/2024/100  involving a senior official, Mr. Polinikis Sophocleous, a single footnote proved sufficiently unsettling to trigger an extraordinary mobilisation of the Organization’s vast legal machinery, ironically, not against the sexual harassment itself, but against the judges who recorded it.

What followed was extraordinary: a prolonged procedural campaign: motions, compelled disclosure, two detailed UNDT orders, one of them running to fifteen pages, and ultimately appellate scrutiny before the United Nations Appeals Tribunal: all orbiting a single footnote.

The Secretary-General’s legal counsel’s objective was plain: to prevent the UNDT from recording, even in a footnote, a pattern the Tribunal itself considered troubling, namely, that senior offenders in workplace sexual-harassment cases appear to receive more lenient disciplinary measures than lower-level staff.

Rather than directing its legal effort toward compensating the victim or addressing the remedial gap the Tribunal expressly acknowledged, the Organization concentrated its full legal force on eliminating any trace of judicial criticism, even when confined to a footnote.

This episode offers a clear, documentary view into how far the Secretary-General’s administration is prepared to go to control the narrative of accountability, including the strategic use of data submissions, jurisdictional maneuvers, and appellate escalation,  when the subject is discipline for sexual harassment, and the Organization’s professed “zero-tolerance” posture is placed under judicial light.

Most readers do not linger on a footnote. 

That is precisely why this one matters. It is a small space in a judgment that triggered an outsized institutional response and in doing so, it exposed the temper of the system of administration of justice at the United Nations today: the ferocity of its defensive litigation, and the priorities it reveals. What follows is a forensic reconstruction of how a footnote became a battleground and what that battleground reveals about power, accountability, and the UN’s own system of administration of justice.

The footnote itself is worth reproducing. It recorded what the Tribunal observed when reading the Administration’s own disciplinary record in the related Sophocleous case:

“The most astounding part of that judgment was the Administration’s concession that, although sexual harassment most frequently results in termination of a United Nations staff member, if the harassment occurred in the workplace and ‘the offender is a manager with considerable power over the affected individuals, the most frequently imposed disciplinary measure is that of demotion with deferment of at least one year of eligibility for consideration for promotion.

Reduced punishment for higher-level workplace harassers is troubling in that it seems contrary to both common sense and to the Organization’s professed zero-tolerance policy.

When the Organization refuses to disclose the discipline it imposed, the harasser returns to work, and the Organization later admits that managers frequently receive lighter punishment than others for sexual harassment, even the most gullible person must wonder about the Organization’s professed commitment to ‘zero tolerance’.”

The footnote appeared as an ancillary observation, without affecting the outcome, in a judgment where sexual harassment had been established, the victim’s credibility affirmed, and the imbalance of power expressly recognised. It nonetheless placed on the judicial record a concern that the Organization has long resisted confronting.

Within weeks, the Secretary-General’s administration mobilised its full legal apparatus to have it erased. A motion was filed invoking the Tribunal’s limited power of correction, with the Administration alleging that the Tribunal had relied on inaccurate information and had impermissibly suggested differential treatment based on grade. The Secretary-General requested the immediate deletion of the footnote.

What is notable is what the motion did not address. It did not challenge the finding of sexual harassment. It did not contest the Administration’s delay of more than three years in imposing the disciplinary measure on the perpetrator. It did not engage with the absence of compensation or the denial of information to the victim. Its sole focus was the footnote, to the point that the substance of the appeal under review all but receded from view.

The UN Dispute Tribunal did not take the bait. Rather than acceding to a request to excise judicial language on assertion alone, it treated the Administration’s allegations for what they were: a factual challenge requiring proof. In Order No. 167 (NBI/2024), the Tribunal directed the Administration to substantiate its claims with evidence. 

The Tribunal noted that the data invoked by the Secretary-General in its motion were drawn from a narrower timeframe than the disciplinary compendium on which the footnote was based, excluded entire staff categories, and conflated grade with supervisory authority. It therefore required the Administration to produce a comprehensive, searchable dataset covering all established cases of sexual and workplace harassment from at least 2009 to the present, including the offender’s grade, supervisory status, the nature of the misconduct, and the precise disciplinary measure imposed.

The exercise of disclosure proved revealing in ways the Administration had not intended. When the data was finally produced, it did not substantiate the claim advanced by the Secretary-General’s counsel. On the contrary, it exposed fundamental inconsistencies in how the Administration had framed its argument.

The dataset was neither methodologically coherent nor responsive to the Tribunal’s order. It mixed categories, relied on selective timeframes, and failed to distinguish meaningfully between grade, supervisory authority, and the nature of the misconduct.

Faced with this submission, the Tribunal did what courts are expected to do. In Order No. 21 (NBI/2025), spanning fifteen pages, it undertook its own analysis of the Administration’s material. Rather than accept the conclusions offered by the Secretary-General’s counsel, the Tribunal recalculated the figures, tested the assumptions on which they rested, and assessed the data against the very criteria the Administration itself had proposed.

The result was clear.

When properly analysed, the data supported, rather than undermined the Tribunal’s observation recorded in the footnote.

The Tribunal concluded that lower-level staff found responsible for sexual harassment were, in fact, more frequently subjected to termination than higher-level staff, who more often received lesser disciplinary measures. The pattern held even when controlling for variables that the Administration had invoked to argue the contrary. 

It is worth pausing here to recall the scale of what was set in motion: the mobilisation of the Secretary-General’s legal apparatus, the compulsory engagement of the Tribunal’s judicial resources, and ultimately appellate proceedings: all directed at a footnote, and pursued after the Administration had been placed on notice that its own data did not support the position advanced.

At that point, the factual dispute should have been at an end. The Tribunal expressly stated that its original observation had been “very accurate” and declined to withdraw it. It agreed only to minimal linguistic adjustments, removing two words to avoid characterising the Administration’s disciplinary record as a formal “concession.” The substance of the footnote remained intact. 

Rather than appealing the order directly, the Administration carried the footnote dispute into the appellate phase by appending the amended judgment to its appeal submissions to UNAT, ensuring that a single footnote would continue to occupy judicial scrutiny at the highest level.

The Appeals Tribunal dismantled the Administration’s position at its foundation (Judgment No. 2025-UNAT-1601). It refused to entertain the notion that the dispute concerned wording or presentation. Instead, it held that the Secretary-General’s approach amounted to an impermissible attempt to recast judicial reasoning through a correction procedure that does not exist for that purpose and all the more so after the Tribunal-ordered disclosure had validated the contested observation.

Having disposed of the premise, the Appeals Tribunal then addressed the consequence. In Judgment No. 2025-UNAT-1601, it held that the Dispute Tribunal had acted ultra vires in entertaining the motion for correction once an appeal against the judgment had been filed. The correction mechanism could not be used to reopen reasoning, reassess evidence, or recalibrate judicial language. On that basis, the Appeals Tribunal declared the purported amendment without legal effect and reinstated UNDT/2024/100 in its original form, including the footnote the Administration had sought to eliminate.

The result was decisive.

After months of litigation, compelled disclosure, judicial analysis, and appellate scrutiny, the position advanced by the Secretary-General’s counsel did not survive review. The footnote remained on the record, having exposed the lengths to which the Secretary-General’s administration was prepared to go to suppress judicial scrutiny in a case of substantiated sexual harassment.

But that resolution does not exhaust the questions this case raises.

How did the Secretary-General’s legal counsel reach a point where months of litigation, judicial time, and institutional resources were devoted to suppressing a footnote in a sexual-harassment case? At what point did this cease to be about legal argument and become something else? And do those responsible reflect on how such a course of action aligns with the standards of integrity, candour, and restraint they are bound to uphold?

The conduct of the Secretary-General’s counsel must be assessed against the standards governing legal representation before the UN tribunals. Article 4 of the Code of Conduct for Legal Representatives and Litigants in Person requires counsel to “maintain the highest standards of integrity” and to act “honestly, candidly, fairly, courteously, in good faith,” while also acting “diligently and efficiently” and avoiding unnecessary delay. 

Counsel acting with candour and integrity are expected to reassess their position when the evidentiary record no longer sustains it, and to conduct proceedings efficiently rather than exhaustively. The insistence on carrying this issue forward, despite the Tribunal’s findings, raises a legitimate question as to whether those standards were met in practice. 

It also raises a broader and unavoidable issue of accountability. Who bears the cost of this litigation strategy? Months of legal work, multiple judicial orders, detailed evidentiary analysis, and appellate proceedings were devoted to a footnote, all funded by the Organization.

Do Member States know that resources contributed by taxpayers were expended in this way? And who, within the system, is responsible for monitoring how the Secretary-General’s legal counsel deploys those resources when the objective is not to vindicate rights or resolve disputes, but to weaken judicial scrutiny of the administration itself.

To their credit, the UN Dispute Tribunal and the Appeals Tribunal did not yield. UNDT insisted on evidence, and UNAT ultimately reaffirmed that judicial reasoning is not subject to administrative pressure or litigation tactics designed to silence criticism. The attempt to intimidate the judiciary into retreat, even over a footnote, failed.

One might have expected such energy, and such resources,  to be reserved for combating sexual harassment.

Instead, they were spent on a footnote.

A Case of Déjà Vu: Judge Buffa and the Reversal of Sexual Misconduct Judgments

A critical legal analysis of UNDT Judge Buffa’s jurisprudence on sexual harassment, sexual assault, and sexual exploitation.

Despite having issued four separate UNDT judgments in sexual harassment, assault and exploitation cases in which he exonerated the perpetrators, rescinded their terminations, and awarded up to two years’ compensation in lieu, even after every single one was subsequently vacated by UNAT, UNDT Judge Buffa appears determined to persist in what can only be described as a judicial crusade to rehabilitate UN staff members found to have sexually harassed, sexually assaulted, raped or exploited their female colleagues.

What is glaring is not merely that UNAT has repeatedly nullified his judgments, it is that Judge Buffa continues to ignore, dismiss, or otherwise sidestep UNAT jurisprudence in areas where UNAT has already resolved the legal issue and articulated binding standards. The jurisprudential message from UNAT to Judge Buffa has been categorical. Yet Judge Buffa proceeds as though these precedents are advisory rather than binding, as though the legal reasoning of higher judicial authority is optional, and as though his personal interpretive framework supersedes the institutional legal regime.

In earlier writings dating back to 2023, I asked: What explains such a sustained departure from appellate jurisprudence? By what logic does a sitting judge repeatedly arrive at interpretations that UNAT has already rejected? How could a judge charged with administering the internal justice system arrive at legal conclusions so dramatically misaligned with the Organization’s zero-tolerance framework and repeatedly contradicted by appellate review?

At the time, I argued that the cultural priors and embedded social beliefs of the Judge, particularly those regarding gender, sexuality, power, and consent were not incidental to his rulings, but constitutive of them. I referenced the 2007 Duke Law Research Paper by Jennifer Zimbroff, which observed:

“studies of sexual harassment perception are not intended to answer whether any specific plaintiff’s circumstances satisfy the legal criteria for sexual harassment. Rather, they serve to demonstrate the potential differences with which victims, alleged perpetrators, judges, and juries perceive and consider appropriate handling of unwelcome sexualized approaches. Such studies may demonstrate how the cultural affiliations of different judges and jurors will influence their perceptions of whether sexual harassment occurred and, if so, was responded to appropriately.”

This is manifest in Judge Buffa’s judicial output. After reviewing all of Judge Buffa’s UNDT judgments in which he nullified or declined to substantiate sexual misconduct, all of which were later vacated entirely by UNAT, the pattern is unmistakable. His legal reasoning consistently reflects a viewpoint that normalizes male sexual entitlement and places the burden of reaction, resistance, articulation, and proof upon female victims. In so doing, he treats women’s testimony as unreliable, their silence as consent, their embarrassment as acquiescence, and their reluctance to report as insignificance.

In other words: his jurisprudence reveals a consistently gendered epistemology of disbelief.

The UNDT Code of Conduct for Judges requires fairness in proceedings and explicitly prohibits sexist or discriminatory conduct. UNDT Judges are obligated to uphold the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the ICCPR documents rooted in dignity, bodily autonomy, and equality before the law. Further, UNDT Judges are appointed by the General Assembly upon recommendations of the Internal Justice Council in consultation with OHR.

We therefore ask the Internal Justice Council and the General Assembly directly:

How can a UNDT judge whose judgments repeatedly erode the credibility of women reporting sexual misconduct; judgments that have systemically and consecutively been repudiated by UNAT, be said to meet the standard of impartiality and integrity expected under the UNDT judicial mandate?

Judge Buffa is not advancing the Secretary-General’s zero-tolerance framework for sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, and sexual abuse. In fact, his most recent judgment makes one reality brutally clear: the price that women pay when they report sexual misconduct is professional risk, reputational threat, and exposure to retaliation, while the alleged perpetrator is offered the jurisprudential shelter of Judge Buffa’s reasoning.

Unless a case of sexual violence meets an almost impossible standard (one approaching forensic documentation) Judge Buffa’s instinct is to clear the accused. Whether the staff member verbalized sexual comments, circulated pornographic imagery, engaged in invasive contact, or weaponized professional authority through sexual innuendo and sexual acts, Judge Buffa appears unwilling to attribute legal gravity to the act unless the violence is so explicit as to be undeniable.

May we therefore ask the Internal Justice Council and OHR: what safeguards are in place to ensure that UNDT judges, who are entrusted with adjudicating claims of harassment and abuse, do not themselves perpetuate the very attitudes that normalize such misconduct?

How can we ensure that those chosen to sit in judgment are truly aligned with the Organization’s legal commitments and ethical imperatives?

In case after case, Judge Buffa introduces interpretive thresholds that shift the burden of proof onto women and dilute the legal definition of harassment into a form of harmless social mischief.

Case No 1: Conteh v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2020/189

In Conteh, Conteh v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2020/189 (6 November 2020), Judge Buffa built a narrative of minimization around the perpetrator’s conduct. He characterized the groping, grabbing, and physical intrusion into women’s bodies as merely “episodic,” “not threatening,” and “without specific consequences,” even noting approvingly that the staff member “gave up the harassment when he understood that his ‘rude advances’ were not accepted.” In Judge Buffa’s view, the misconduct had “no impact (or at least a very limited impact) on the work environment,” and, most revealingly, he opined that “the heaviest disciplinary sanctions would perhaps have been appropriate if the investigators had found evidence that the Applicant had engaged in sexual relationships with his subordinates but they did not.”

Judge Buffa’s standard in Conteh appears to be: unless the misconduct crosses into explicit sexual intercourse, it cannot warrant dismissal. And so he rescinded the termination decision and ordered compensation in lieu.

UNAT’s response was unequivocal UNAT Judgment (appeal, reversal) Conteh v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. 2021-UNAT-1171. It found that Judge Buffa’s limitation of termination “only to instances of inappropriate sexual relationships” was “without authority or merit” and actively “undermines the broad spectrum of sexual harassment that can and does occur.” UNAT went on to reassert a core legal principle:

“there should be no requirement for the conduct to be repetitive,” and “one instance could conceptually be sufficient” for separation. Moreover, UNAT held that sexual harassment “does not require any concrete or palpable result,” and that “unwelcome advances and inappropriate behaviour towards colleagues such as touching their body parts… are per se grave enough to cause harm.” It further reminded Judge Buffa that the offence is not dependent on “ill intent,” nor on the frequency of professional interactions, which are “a minor element” under a zero-tolerance policy.

Conteh thus reveals the core of Buffa’s jurisprudence: sexual harm, in his view, must be physically extremerepeated, or visibly harmful in order to qualify as harassment. The effect is consistent: a systemic raising of evidentiary thresholds for victims and a lowering of accountability thresholds for perpetrators. Conteh is the jurisprudential seed from which Judge Buffa’s future exonerations sprouted.

Case No 2: UNDT Judgment: Szvetko v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2022/026

The Szvetko judgment exposes Judge Buffa’s cultural comfort with sexualized male behaviour disguised as mischief. Here, Judge Buffa treated comments such as “your breasts look like mountains” and inviting a female colleague to imagine the “pleasure” of water jets “between a woman’s legs,” and even the showing of nude male genitalia, as “euphoric jokes,” “boutades,” and as behaviour akin to “a boy on a school trip,” devoid of any intention to humiliate.

Once again, Judge Buffa’s eye is on the man, his mood, his context, his lack of maliciousness, rather than the impact on the women subjected to this conduct. The degradation of a professional woman into a sexual object is framed as childish play. Judge Buffa concluded that the misconduct “was not severe in nature” and again portrayed the perpetrator as merely exuberant rather than predatory.

UNAT’s reversal was devastating (UNAT Judgment (appeal, reversal):
Balint Szvetko v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. 2023-UNAT-1311).  It found Judge Buffa’s interpretation “speculative,” noted that he had “disregarded the evidence,” and reaffirmed the applicable legal framework. Crucially, UNAT held that this behaviour “exhibits a disposition which caused the complainants significant discomfort and anxiety and impacted their ongoing professional relationship,” and that Judge Buffa’s conclusion that the misconduct lacked severity because it occurred briefly was legally untenable. The Tribunal rejected Judge Buffa’s trivialization of pornographic exposure, stating plainly that “showing a colleague a picture of a penis can cause offence or humiliation,” and that “all individuals are entitled to be free of this kind of puerile behaviour.” The conduct, UNAT clarified, “violates the obligation of an international civil servant to uphold the highest standard of integrity,” and “naturally would undermine professional confidence.”

Here, Judge Buffa’s habitual logic becomes unmistakable: women must tolerate sexually explicit intrusion so long as the perpetrator can be framed as joking, playful, inebriated, or boyish. It is the judicial romanticization of male entitlement. Under Judge Buffa’s lens, women are expected to be resilient, unaffected, unhumiliated, and if they are humiliated, it is dismissed as hypersensitivity.

Szvetko mirrors Conteh in dismantling the same Buffa principle: that a woman must prove explicit distress, explicit damage, explicit consequences to her career rather than simply the fact of being sexually objectified in the workplace.

Case No 3: UNDT Judgment (with Buffa’s dissent): AAE v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2022/030

In AAE, Judge Buffa’s dissenting opinion exposes the apex of his judicial perspective on sexual violence. Faced with a case in which a D-1 Director raped a colleague after she told him she did not want sex and attempted to leave, Judge Buffa turned to the woman’s behaviour; not to the man’s actions,  as the decisive factor. He invoked her “friendly disposition” as “exculpatory,” and he questioned how rape could occur when the woman did not scream, did not physically struggle, and did not reiterate her objection multiple times. His reasoning assimilates friendliness into invitation and silence into consent. It asks, implicitly: why didn’t she resist harder?

But your Honour:

A Kiss is not a Free Pass for Sex.
A kiss is not a contract. and;

Silence under shock is not consent.

UNAT’s full bench demolished this reasoning UNAT Judgment (full bench): AAE v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. 2023-UNAT-1332. It held that the Director had engaged in “non-consensual sex… amounting to sexual assault,” and that relying on tacit consent or the absence of repeated objections was legally invalid. UNAT affirmed that sexual assault can occur “without threats of violence,” particularly within a power-imbalanced relationship, and accepted the victim’s explanation that she did not scream because she was “in shock,” “ashamed,” and “cognizant of her precarious situation.”

Here, as in Conteh and Szvetko, Judge Buffa’s analysis repeatedly turns to female reaction, rather than male action, as the evidentiary hinge. The woman carries the burden of proving fear; the man is relieved of the burden of proving respect. The judicial gaze is male-centric: what mattered to Judge Buffa was not whether the man violated the woman’s autonomy, but whether the woman reacted loudly enough to convince him.

Case No 4: UNDT Judgment: Makeen v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2023/071

In the Makeen case, Judge Buffa again applied his consistent judicial relativism around sexual harm, this time in the context of sexual exploitation. Here, the perpetrator was a 53-year-old married UN staff member who repeatedly engaged in sexual acts with an 18-year-old impoverished woman who cleaned his home, cooked for him, and was economically dependent on him. Yet Judge Buffa saw no power dynamic, no coercive context, no vulnerability, only “consensual” sexual interaction “pertaining to the Applicant’s private life.”

This reasoning is revealing: Judge Buffa treats power disparity as irrelevant if the victim technically agreed to be present, or did not explicitly object, or,  in this case,  was merely young, poor, unprotected, and dependent. He reads “consent” where the law sees coercion by circumstance.

UNAT’s reversal was once again categorical (Makeen v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. 2024-UNAT-1461). It held that:

“Consent is immaterial to the offence of sexual exploitation and abuse.”

With that single sentence, UNAT dismantled Judge Buffa’s entire operative premise. It went further:

“V01 was unable to fully consent due to the unequal relationship and power imbalance that existed between her and Mr. Makeen.”

Here, UNAT stated plainly what Judge Buffa refused to see: that consent is not a matter of mere verbal or physical acquiescence, but must be free of dependency, intimidation, and deprivation. The Tribunal stressed that the perpetrator held “a position of trust and support,” and that the victim’s “economic and social status put her in a state of dependency.”

UNAT also directly contradicted Judge Buffa’s claim that the misconduct pertained to private life:

“the duty of staff members to act with integrity… extends to their conduct both within and outside the workplace due to the potential reputational damage their adverse actions may cause to the Organization.”

Once again, Judge Buffa shielded a male UN actor by shrinking the scope of accountability to the boundaries of the bedroom, as though sexual access to a dependent teenager employed in one’s home were merely private recreation. UNAT restored the definition of sexual abuse to its legal and ethical meaning: exploitation of vulnerability, not romantic interaction. This case illustrates transactional sex under conditions of imbalance, dependency, and vulnerability. If a young woman cooks your meals, cleans your floors, and is financially dependent on you,  she cannot freely consent.

Judge Buffa’s approach in Makeen reveals his intellectual consistency: in Conteh, he could not see harm unless it disrupted work; in Szvetko, he could not see harassment unless accompanied by ill intent; in AAE, he could not see rape unless force or screaming occurred; and in Makeen, he could not see exploitation unless the victim explicitly vocalized objection despite dependency.

All these judgments clearly point to repetition of Judge Buffa’s cultural assumptions about women’s consent.

Case No 5: UNDT Judgment: Samarasinha v. Secretary-General, Judgment No. UNDT/2025/047 (July 2025) UNAT: appeal pending (not yet adjudicated at appellate stage)

And then we arrive at Samarasinha, the newest UNDT judgment issued in July 2025;  the one where Judge Buffa again cleared a male senior official at the D-1 level despite testimonies from multiple women and corroborating diplomatic witnesses.

Here the pattern repeats so perfectly it becomes almost formulaic. Even though there were clear shortcomings in the OIOS investigation, Judge Buffa went on to dismiss another allegation of sexual assault because the victim was drunk, because the recollection was not detailed twelve years later, because she had “flirtatious behaviour”  as though intoxication invalidates memory and flirting invalidates violation.

Judge Buffa wrote:

“a recollection… in a context of flirtatious behaviour… cannot substantiate an accusation of sexual assault, notably where the recollection of the events are not detailed and not lived by a sober person.”

Once again, Judge Buffa  implies that a woman who was intoxicated cannot be sexually assaulted because she cannot remember explicitly enough to satisfy him.

He even dismissed the victim’s account of being pinned in bed as “weak,” and deemed the surrounding allegations “almost meaningless” and “without relevance.” He trivialized repeated physical contact, the staring at breasts, and the delivery of invitations laced with sexual undertones as “insignificant.” He wrote that these acts lacked “sexual connotation,” as though a senior official touching a woman’s hips and waist “while inebriated” somehow falls within acceptable social interaction in Judge Buffa’s mental universe.

And most tellingly, he declared that even cumulatively, these acts were “unable to substantiate… a behaviour of a gravity able to justify a measure like ALWOP.”

In other words: even if multiple women say it, even if they say it over time, even if external witnesses corroborate it, Judge Buffa does not find it serious.

Across these judgments, a consistent evidentiary posture emerges: women’s testimony is approached with skepticism, while male conduct is interpreted through a lens of benign intent. The result is a repeated downgrading of coercive acts into social misunderstandings and a systemic reluctance to attribute legal weight to female experience. This judicial orientation constitutes an epistemic bias,  a presumption of male innocence that persists even in the face of multiple corroborating accounts and sustained patterns of behaviour.

This consistent minimization of sexual misconduct,  repeated across ContehSzvetkoMakeenAAE, and now Samarasinha,  constitutes what I refer to as the Buffa Doctrine.

The United Nations has repeatedly affirmed that it upholds a zero-tolerance policy toward sexual harassment, sexual assault, and sexual exploitation. Yet in practice, zero tolerance is meaningless when judicial interpretation becomes a filter that drains these standards of substance. The question is no longer whether Judge Buffa’s judgments are legally flawed: UNAT has already established that by vacating four of them and will likely do the same with the fifth. The question is whether the internal justice architecture will continue to tolerate a judicial approach that repeatedly diminishes the gravity of sexual misconduct and re-centres sympathy on the perpetrators rather than the victims.

The Judges of the UNDT are not freelancers. They are appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Internal Justice Council, precisely because the legitimacy of their office derives not from personal opinion but from fidelity to the Organization’s legal framework. When a UNDT judge develops an identifiable pattern of jurisprudence that contradicts UNAT’s established standards, repeatedly, and in the same direction, affecting the same class of victims, it is no longer a matter of individual interpretation,  it becomes a matter of institutional accountability.

Judge Buffa’s judicial reasoning, across these cases, does not advance the UN’s commitments under the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the ICCPR. It does not uphold the Secretary-General’s professed principles of zero tolerance. It does not protect women in the system who report sexual misconduct. It does, however, provide a signal, loud, clear, unmistakable,  to every perpetrator who might consider testing boundaries: that if their actions fall short of cinematic brutality, there is a judge who may well reinterpret coercion as misunderstanding, predation as exuberance, and violation as miscommunication.

So we must ask: how many times must a judge be reversed: four? five? six?  before someone in authority acknowledges the pattern?

When does the Internal Justice Council intervene? When does the General Assembly exercise its oversight responsibility?

And how many women in the UN must endure professional retaliation, reputational harm, and psychological damage because a judge’s cultural biases consistently discount their experiences?

Precedent is the true expression of judicial philosophy. And Buffa’s precedents: overturned, contradicted, and repudiated,  speak to a persistent bias incompatible with impartial adjudication.

“Having a Baby in Africa Is Nothing”: The UN’s Moral Collapse

“I would not let the UN teach me morals. Having a baby in Africa is nothing. Where one has a baby, she wanted a baby. How many people have babies here? The UN does not understand that. The UN thinks that she has been victimized by the UN staff who came. No, it’s the opposite.”

This was the shocking statement of a MONUSCO international staff member to the UN tribunal after he was dismissed for sexual exploitation and abuse of a local woman in Goma.

Last week, the UNDT rendered a damning judgment UNDT/2025/089, Compaore v. Secretary-General, which evidences a systemic collapse of compliance with the principle of “do no harm” among UN international staff and highlights the widening gap between the Organisation’s proclaimed norms and its operational realities.

What the Tribunal recounts next reveals a level of predation that documents the institutional inability to give effect to every policy, every training, and every public assertion that the Organisation upholds the principle of ‘do no harm”. 

“The staff member met the local woman when she was selling vegetables on the roadside in Goma took her number and, within days, he was having regular sexual intercourse with her.

He knew that there was a notable status differential between him, an international United Nations staff member and the SEA survivor, a seller on the market in Goma.

The woman earned between USD 10 and USD 25 per month… she was also supporting her ten-year-old son. By contrast, the staff member’s net salary was approximately USD 14,000 per month.

He visited her at her house and started giving her significant sums of money up to half of her month’s earnings as well as promised to help opening her own business…

…when the victim informed him that she became pregnant as a result, he reacted angrily, and called her a ‘prostitute’ and ‘thief,’ telling her to leave his house.

He then took the local woman far to meet with a pharmacist that he knew, using a UN vehicle. At the location of the pharmacist, he asked her to do a pregnancy test, which was positive.

He then asked the pharmacist how they could arrange an abortion even though the local woman informed him that she did not want to abort. He then organized a meeting at a hotel in Goma, during which the pharmacist pressured the local woman to get an abortion; and he gave her US$ 400.00 (i.e. the equivalent of four months’ income or seven months’ rent for her) to financially incentivize her to get an abortion.

After giving her the money for an abortion, he filed a criminal complaint against her, accusing her of harassing him and of claiming money from him. In his complaint, he requested the police to verify if she was still pregnant, while being aware that abortion is a criminal offence in the DRC.

He then made the local woman sign an agreement in exchange of USD 8,000 payment. As part of this agreement, the local woman also signed a letter withdrawing allegations against him which were then pending in the local court.”

I mean if this is the outcome of years of UN training on “do no harm” then we are forced to confront the undeniable truth: something is not merely broken: something is rotten at the core. And perhaps the deeper tragedy is this: people have become so accustomed to this pattern of abuse that they have grown desensitized to it. These cases no longer shock; they are absorbed as routine background noise.

We must ask ourselves: who is reading these stories? Who is outraged? And why is this not shaking the Organisation to its foundations?

What is truly galling is that the international staff member stood before the Tribunal and insisted the relationship was consensual. The Tribunal, drawing on Makeen 2024-UNAT-1461, para. 52, citing Lucchini rejected this narrative entirely, establishing that in the face of glaring economic deprivation and an overwhelming power differential, genuine consent was impossible. Sex in such a situation is inherently coercive and any claimed consent collapses under legal and ethical scrutiny.

The Tribunal also held that the survivor’s “withdrawal of the complaints in domestic proceedings, following an $8,000 financial settlement,” does not absolve the perpetrator nor constrain the UN’s authority to act, since national acquittals do not extinguish administrative responsibility.

The staff member disputed the proportionality of his dismissal, arguing that a mere reprimand or censure would have sufficed. This position attempts to recast predatory conduct as a correctable misjudgment rather than misconduct of such severity that it renders continued employment untenable. It is a defence that collapses on its face when measured against the Organisation’s core obligations and basic standards of conduct.

The problem is just like the genocide in Palestine, people have become used to harm so much that these stories pass almost unremarkable. And the UN surely counts on this. 

Then comes the United Nations General Assembly, A/79/789, “Special measures for protection from sexual exploitation and abuse – Report of the Secretary-General” (17 February 2025). One can clearly notice how its very architecture, dense tables, aggregated indicators, and technical phrasing render the issue abstract, sterile, and distant. It categorizes suffering into percentages and trendlines, burying the human cost beneath methodology. In contrast, when one goes to the UN’s publicly accessible UN SEA misconduct data dashboard, the information is stark: individual dates, victims under 18, allegations of rape, the implementing entities involved. The dashboard is revealing, but almost no one consults it and certainly the Organisation benefits from that neglect.

The Secretary-General’s report reduces survivors to numerical entries processed through a statistical frame that neutralizes emotional and moral response. As with the enumeration of Palestinian casualties, human beings are converted into data units. Numerical abstraction becomes the mechanism of desensitization.

Let me give you a few examples of what the dashboard reveals.
Under the category of UN staff and related personnel:

  • Less than a week ago,  on 20 and 21 November,  two separate allegations were recorded against WHO personnel for sexual exploitation.
  • On 30 October, an allegation was filed against IOM for rape of a child by a UN Volunteer.
  • On 23, 21 and 20 October, three distinct allegations were filed for sexual assault of children under 18 in both IOM and UNRWA.

According to the same data, for 2024, children constituted 15% of victims, and disturbingly, an additional 17% were listed as “victim age unknown.” That alone illustrates how incomplete or deliberately under-specified the reporting is. For the same year, rape accounted for 13% of allegations, and sexual assault 20%. Assistance was provided in only 20% of cases, with the remainder categorized on the dashboard as “victim declined,” “victim did not seek assistance,” “victim unidentified,” or “victim unreachable.” This is the measure in practice of “do no harm” and of the supposed restoration of victims’ dignity.

Then there is the separate category of implementing partners whose personnel are not formally under UN authority but who execute UN-funded projects. 

  • On 4, 8, 9, 19 and 28 November 2025, five allegations were lodged for sexual assault, two involving children under 18 in connection with UNICEF-supported activities. 
  • On 9, 14, 16 and 19 October 2025, another four allegations were recorded, three of which were also for assault of children under 18, again linked to UNICEF-related projects.

I mean yes, these individuals are not UN staff; they are personnel of implementing partners. But the question is unavoidableis the UN exercising due diligence over the entities it entrusts with its mandate? 

Does the UN engage implementing partners to improve conditions for children, or are these partnerships,  through negligence or indifference, creating new avenues for their abuse?


In 2025 so far, there have been 41 allegations of rape, of which 37 involved children under 18. These were linked to projects implemented for:

  • UNICEF (14)
  • WFP (13)
  • WHO (4)
  • UNOPS (4)
  • UNHCR (3)
  • OCHA (1)

In 2024, children under 18 accounted for at least 28% of all SEA allegations and that figure is conservative, given that an additional 24% of victims were listed as “age unknown.” 

Rape constituted 12% of total allegations that year.

Then there is the category of peacekeeping and special political missions, where rape of children is clearly systemic. It is easier to avert one’s gaze,  but perhaps this is precisely where scrutiny must intensify.

And here I am also analyzing numbers. This is the trap inherent in quantitative reporting: patterns and ratios take over, and the individual victims disappear. Behind each statistic is a life: a child with a name, a family, a history, a future now fractured.

Who explains to a 10-year-old boy that he will be alright after being raped? Who provides care and schooling for a child born of sexual exploitation? Who treats the psychological, physical, and social scars inflicted by those who arrived under the blue flag claiming protection?

Why are we still here? Why are we reading these findings while maintaining the fiction that the UN enforces a zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse? Each year we hear the same prescriptions: more funding, more training, more risk-mapping, more awareness. Yet the same patterns recur.

The Secretary-General’s report to the General Assembly is extensive and data-heavy, but this is precisely the problem: its architecture buries the actual crisis under layers of metrics and operational jargon. And there, almost unnoticed in the middle of the document, sits the real revelation:


In 2024, 64,585 United Nations staff members responded to the annual perception survey on protection from sexual exploitation and abuse. Of those, 3.65% (2,360 people) stated that it was acceptable to pay for sex, and close to 1% (555) indicated that it was acceptable to engage in sexual activity with a child,  with one-third of those respondents occupying supervisory roles.

This alone reveals how embedded and normalized the culture of sexual exploitation and abuse has become within the UN and this does not even account for uniformed personnel, national police contingents, or military forces contributed by Member States to peacekeeping missions.

So why is the situation not improving and in several respects deteriorating? Policies are revised, bulletins updated, special coordination units created,  but the real deficit lies in accountability, and not only accountability for the direct perpetrator.

And what about the perpetrators who are shielded rather than sanctioned? What about the cases quietly buried because they involve personnel with the right connections or the right nationality? What about internal directives to “avoid reputational exposure” that override the rights of victims? 

The UN pursues low-level offenders as symbolic sacrifices while preserving the machinery that protects enablers, decision-makers, and silent bystanders. The Organization reports terminations as proof of resolve, yet accountability is never directed at those within HR, Legal, Ethics, or senior management who intervened to suppress complaints, stall proceedings, or intimidate victims. That is where the deeper accountability lies, and that is precisely where none is exercised.

Why is there no scrutiny of the senior officials who instruct HR and Legal to make cases “go away”? What about the victims who never report, either out of fear or because the system has taught them that nothing will happen? What about the managers whose first instinct is to protect their own reporting profile before the Security Council or the General Assembly? And what of the Legal and HR officers who invoke “insufficient evidence” as a procedural shield as though the absence of formal proof were not itself often the product of investigative indifference or institutional suppression?

The Secretary-General’s own report acknowledges that since 2006, approximately 750 paternity and child support claims arising from UN peace operations have been recorded with over 500 still unresolved. Most Member States have failed to take any meaningful steps toward resolution. Meanwhile, the children born of these abuses, many now approaching adulthood,  remain without schooling, without healthcare, without legal recognition, and trapped in lifelong stigma. They live in conditions of uncertainty and marginalization,  the direct human legacy of UN negligence.

Protracted investigation and disciplinary timelines are cited as “systemic challenges,” but they function as structural impediments to justice. Delays in inquiry, opaque handling of outcomes, and the absence of visible consequences reinforce a culture of impunity and corrode the Organization’s credibility. Even now, there remains no real accountability for those in leadership who failed in their obligation to act. The burden falls only on the isolated offender,  never on those who enabled, ignored, or suppressed the cases.

Alarmingly, in 2024, the internal survey itself recorded a stark indicator of institutional distrust: 6% of UN respondents,roughly 3,700 staff expressed no confidence in leadership’s ability to address sexual exploitation and abuse, up from 3% the previous year.The doubling reflects a measurable deterioration in trust in leadership.

The reality we must confront is this: a child in Bangui may flee from what he perceives as the threat (the militia or armed group) and run instead toward the UN blue helmets, whom he believes to be protectors. But the risk now is that he runs straight into the arms of his abuser. The UN’s personnel (civilian and military) leverage the UN’s image as a guardian and savior to secure access to vulnerable populations. They weaponize the very trust invested in the UN.

This is what makes the situation intolerable: the UN is not a bystander to these violations but the mechanism through which access to victims is enabled. When trust itself becomes the instrument of abuse, the UN mission has already failed at its fundamental duty: protection

Your Boss Comments on Your Booty But the UNDT Rules it’s Just a Deadlift Adjustment.

This week, the United Nations Dispute Tribunal issued a baffling judgment to say the very least, Novo v. Secretary-General, UNDT/2025/098 (26 November 2025),  in which it rescinded the decision of termination for a former UNICEF staff member who was charged with serious misconduct for sexual harassment (and unauthorized activities).

This judgment raises serious concerns about the UNDT’s understanding of power dynamics in the workplace and about the extent to which such rulings will discourage future reporting of sexual harassment in the UN.

The judgment itself is 71 pages long and refers to detailed witness examination, cross-examination, and OIOS interview transcripts. Despite sexually harassing three female staff/consultants (all of whom filed complaints) and despite corroborating witnesses, the judge chose to believe the supervisor’s version, using a copy-paste approach to dismiss all allegations of sexual harassment, save for the unauthorized outside activities.

The Tribunal established that in one incident the staff member approached the female supervisee at a gym while she was engaged in routine physical exercise and made remarks in Bosnian implying that she was instructed by her husband to work on her “booty” using colloquial language. The perpetrator explained that he was observing her form because he noticed some technical issues during her deadlift, and he mentioned that her husband might have advised her on her technique to make her booty bigger.

In weighing whether this constituted sexual harassment by a supervisor, the judgment unbelievably reads:

“The question before this Tribunal is whether the Applicant’s behavior, unprofessional staring at V03’s posterior and the statement about her husband’s instructions, constitutes harassment or sexual harassment. In the Tribunal’s view, the Applicant’s conduct must be evaluated in context. The act of staring appears to be a pattern of habitual, subconscious observation rather than any sexual gesture or act.”

The judge went on to justify the comments by stating that the act of staring at her booty might have been:

“reflecting an awkward attempt at social interaction rather than misconduct”

And:

“the Tribunal acknowledges V03’s feelings of discomfort but considers that the subjective offence alone does not establish harassment or sexual harassment; particularly when there is no objective evidence that the behavior was sexual or intimidating. Indeed, the Tribunal considers that, once more, the Applicant displayed unprofessional and intrusive behavior, but not one of a sexual nature.”

So for all UN staff exercising at the gym, the next time your supervisor stares directly at your backside while deadlifting and comments on your “booty” don’t get uncomfortable, because according to the UNDT, it’s just social interaction… with your backside..

In another disturbing episode, the supervisor gave a different staff member (a superviosee also) a copy of the book: “Sex and Lies: True stories of women’s intimate lives in the Arab world” by Leila Slimani claiming it was “relevant to her work.”

The book is about the sexual experiences of women in Morocco and the Arab world. And as The Guardian described it, Slimani “returns to north Africa to explore sex, pornography and hypocrisy.”

The supervisee testified that her work had nothing whatsoever to do with sexual narratives, Arab women’s intimate experiences, or Morocco. She explained that she did not challenge her supervisor at the time due to power dynamics being at the lowest rank, dependent on him for contract renewal and fearing that complaints would go unaddressed in the isolated Bihać duty station.

The judge correctly established the facts but once again dismissed the allegation, filtering it through his own selective perception of harassment. According to the judge, even though the supervisee found the gift deeply inappropriate, he adopted the supervisor’s absurd justification that the gift was an act of “educational sharing,” potentially useful to humanitarian work:

“whether the book is professionally relevant can be subjective, and in some humanitarian contexts materials concerning women’s intimate experiences or trafficking may bear on protection, gender-based violence, or cultural understanding relevant to child protection work.”

The judge then criticized the supervisee’s internal reaction by stating:

“V02’s assessment of the book’s inappropriateness was based on her perception of the contents of the book, which, in turn, was based on her interpretation of the title, back cover, and online summaries.”

And dismissed the claim by concluding:

“gifting of the book does not meet the objective threshold for harassment or sexual harassment. There is no evidence of sexual intent, no pattern of sexualized conduct tied to the gifting, and no demonstration that the act interfered with VO2’s work or created a hostile work environment.”

So, if your supervisor hands you a book titled “Sex and Lies” you are apparently expected to ignore the “Sex” part, trust his enlightened intellectual intentions, and focus on theoretical cultural anthropology. After all, if the UNDT judge can turn a blind eye, so can you.

Then, in three separate incidents involving two supervisees, the staff member commented to one woman that she preferred “strong muscular men” asked another, while walking behind her:

“How tall are you? You have a very nice height for a woman”,

and later at a bar in Bihać, leaned too close to her, invading her personal space, asking if she would like to “ride in an expensive car if driven by a handsome man, and telling her she was the type of woman used to men doing favors for her”.

And in all three incidents, the judge dismissed the allegations.

On the comment about interest in muscular men, the judge reasoned:

“the remark was a casual, somewhat awkward comment about V03’s personal preferences. The fact that V03 felt uncomfortable is acknowledged and is relevant. However, subjective discomfort alone does not establish harassment or sexual harassment.”

So next time your supervisor randomly offers his unsolicited psychoanalysis of your taste in male body types, maybe you should reply, “Thank you for your professional assessment.” Because apparently, commentary on your intimate personal preferences is part of your job.

And when your supervisor asks about your height and compliments you on it, while following behind you, do not mistake it for predatory interest. The UNDT judge insists:

“comment is addressed to physical stature only, and occurred in a social, informal context involving several colleagues”…

“unwelcome and unwise conduct … falls short of proving the requisite objective severity or sexual character.”

The extent to which this judge fails to grasp the nuances of sexual harassment as experienced by women is staggering. For the vast majority of women, sexual harassment is not confined to physical contact. It is anything that intrudes upon their bodily autonomy and personal dignity: the invasive stare, the unsolicited comment about one’s curves or “booty,” the remark about one’s taste in men, the book handed with a knowing smirk that centers sexuality as its theme. This is precisely how predators operate, not with overt groping, but through a steady drip of boundary violations and insinuations.

Why should my supervisor be commenting on my physical appearance?
Why should he be giving me a book titled “Sex and Lies”, a book which The Guardian characterized as “exploring sex, pornography and hypocrisy”?
Why should he be asking me if I prefer “strong muscular men”?
Why is he leaning in, crowding my space, speaking low and close, as if intimacy is assumed?

And the fundamental question:


Why is any of this taking place inside a UN workplace that claims to champion dignity, equality, and respect?

Many men in the UN derive perverse satisfaction from making women uncomfortable. They thrive on the microaggressions, the innuendos, the baiting comments that hover just below the disciplinary threshold. They get away with it precisely because of the ambiguity,  the plausible deniability. And now, emboldened by judgments like this, they will feel even safer doing so.

These men indulge in a quiet vocation: testing how far they can intrude into the bodies, space, and psyche of the women they supervise knowing full well the power imbalance protects them. And instead of confronting this pattern, too many judges prefer to dissect each incident into sterile fragments, stripping away the lived experience of women and repackaging predatory behavior as “awkward social interaction” or “habitual staring.”

Well, here is the reality:


We are not concerned with whether he meant it sexually, poetically, or subconsciously.


We are concerned with whether a professional environment exists where women can work without being sexualized, analyzed, or targeted.

Women do not join the UN hoping their supervisor will inquire about their body shape or sexual preferences. They join believing that equality and respect are more than decorative slogans painted onto banners and mission statements.

But clearly, in the eyes of this UNDT judgment, it is all just “much ado about nothing.”

This reasoning also stands in direct contradiction with binding jurisprudence of the UN internal justice system itself. In Hallal UNDT/2011/046, para. 55, later affirmed by UNAT 2012-UNAT-207,  the Tribunal held:

“in sexual harassment cases, credible oral victim testimony alone may be fully sufficient to support a finding of serious misconduct, without further corroboration being required”

And UNAT confirmed:

“The Dispute Tribunal did not err in law in giving full evidentiary weight to the complainant’s oral testimony absent documentary corroboration.”

The jurisprudence affirms that victim testimony is legally probative and sufficient to ground a finding of misconduct. By dismissing these women’s testimony because it did not include “objective evidence,” the judge was defying settled jurisprudence. A legal standard already affirmed at the appellate level.

This inconsistency between jurisprudential requirement and judicial practice demands scrutiny. For while the Tribunal applies an intent-based threshold in this case, the Organization simultaneously asserts a trauma-aware, victim-centred approach in its reporting to the GA.  The UN itself reports to the General Assembly the following passage in the Secretary-General’s report (Report of the Secretary-General, “Special measures for protection from sexual exploitation and abuse,” A/79/789, 17 February 2025, para. 5).:

“For example, when the nine judges of the United Nations Dispute
Tribunal visited the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) in June 2024 as part of their induction into the United Nations administration of justice system, they were informed about measures in place to prevent and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse and had the opportunity to hear from the Special Coordinator
and the Victims’ Rights Advocate. The aim was to provide the judges with first-hand insights into the complexities and challenges associated with delivering protection from sexual exploitation and abuse on the ground, including the commitment to a
victim-centred approach. The Special Coordinator and the Victims’ Rights Advocate also raised concerns about the impact, especially on victims, of the protracted administrative and judicial decision-making.

Following the mission, the judges’reflections informed discussions and recommendations at the Third Meeting of Investigatory Bodies on Protection from Sexual Exploitation, Abuse and Harassment
convened jointly by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee and the United Nations Evaluation Group in June 2024. The Special Coordinator and the Victims’ Rights Advocate are planning to conduct similar information sessions with the judges of the
United Nations Appeals Tribunal during a mission to the Central African Republic scheduled to take place in early 2025.”

This is a formal declaration to Member States that the UNDT judges have been exposed to and educated on the lived realities of sexual exploitation and abuse, particularly the effects on victims. The UN uses this text to demonstrate compliance with a “victim-centred approach” implying that judicial interpretation would be informed by awareness of trauma, power asymmetry, and vulnerability.

Yet in this UNICEF judgment, the judicial reasoning shows no application of that mandate. The judge did not adopt a victim-centered evidentiary lens. Instead, he treated the testimony of three women as insufficient because it lacked “objective” proof  directly contradicting the Hallal standard, which recognizes that in sexual harassment cases, victim testimony can stand alone as probative evidence.

This illustrates a striking contradiction: before the GA, the UN asserts that judges have undergone sensitization on victim impact and reporting challenges. But in practice, the judge reverted to assessing the accused’s conduct through the lens of innocuous intent rather than evaluating its effect on the women. The “victim-centred approach” praised in GA reporting collapses under judicial reasoning that effectively places the burden of proof on victims to demonstrate not only harassment, but the perpetrator’s internal sexual intent.

What the UN presents to Member States as advancement in judicial awareness and responsiveness does not translate into adjudication. The legal framework that the UN claims to be strengthening remains selectively applied and when tested in real cases, defaults back to minimizing, reframing, and dismissing victim testimony.

A justice system that demands victims prove the psychology of their harasser is not victim-centred it is perpetrator-shielding.

And to all the women out there, I say: keep deadlifting.

Where Did the Money Go? Inside the UN’s Misuse of Member State Funding for Victims of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse

This week, I expose how Member States were told their contributions had funded “successful” projects for victims of sexual exploitation and abuse, while the UN’s own auditors found those very projects had failed completely.

In striking contrast to the Secretary-General’s triumphant account of successfully implemented projects for victims of sexual exploitation and abuse, the United Nations’ internal watchdog, the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) depicts a system mired in mismanagement, absent oversight, and outcomes so hollow they verge on tragic irony.

Five projects costing over $815,000 were meant to help 628 survivors of sexual exploitation and abuse in the Central African Republic rebuild their lives. Instead, they reflected a pattern of institutional negligence disguised as implementation success.

Victims were trained in agriculture without access to land, in hairdressing without a hair dryer, and in pastry-making without ovens.

The so-called “income-generating activities” generated no income; only frustration. OIOS field visits to Alindao and Bambari found women who had dutifully completed their vocational courses yet could neither farm nor open a salon. Those trained in agriculture discovered only after graduation that they had no access to land whatsoever -no plots, no communal fields, no arrangements for leasing or use. The implementing office, astonishingly, had never verified whether participants owned or could access land before investing funds into agricultural training. In effect, they were trained for an activity that was structurally impossible.

Equally, those trained in hairdressing received “start-up kits” that omitted the most essential tools: no hair dryers, no scissors, no power supply solutions. OIOS noted that no market analysis or feasibility review had been conducted; the Mission never examined whether these trades were viable in the targeted areas or how victims might sustain them. The projects were conceived in spreadsheets, not in communities.

Projects were launched in locations chosen by “professional judgment”, meaning, effectively, at random. Communities with the largest number of victims, such as Dekoa and Sibut (which accounted for 21 per cent of all recorded victims), were simply left out.

The implementing partner, hand-picked without any comparative advantage analysis had no office, no staff, and no demonstrated capacity in the Central African Republic. There was no review committee, no competition, and no oversight. Trainers were recruited ad-hoc, curricula were missing for two of five courses, and attendance didn’t matter: beneficiaries who stopped attending still received completion certificates and start-up kits.

The project steering committee that should have provided governance was never established. Eleven of thirty-six weekly progress reports simply stated “Nothing to report” while projects were floundering. Even the Trust Fund team in DMSPC and the Senior Victims’ Rights Officer issued recommendations that went unheeded. The Mission failed to monitor progress, delayed disbursements, and excluded even basic provisions like transportation and food for trainees travelling several kilometres to training sites.

The result? A programme ostensibly designed to restore dignity to victims became a showcase of institutional negligence: vocational training without vocation, empowerment without power, assistance without assistance.

And yet, a triumph, according to the Secretary-General. While the OIOS audit revealed governance failure and zero impact, the Secretary-General (SG) presented an entirely different picture to the General Assembly.

In his report A/79/789 dated 17 February 2025, titled Special measures for protection from sexual exploitation and abuse, the Secretary-General cited these same projects as a model of success. He proudly reported that since 2016, $5.1 million from 25 Member States had funded 21 projects, including those in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, and South Sudan, with “medical care, psychological support and vocational training” provided to victims. He then called on Member States to move away from voluntary contributions and establish a “predictable and sustainable funding model.”

The Trust Fund in Support of Victims of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, established in 2016, was created to bridge service gaps by providing vital support to complainants, victims, and children born as a result of sexual exploitation and abuse. The Fund’s governance is chaired by DMSPC, under USG Catherine Pollard, which also serves as the Implementing Office.

Its 2024 Annual Report echoed the Secretary-General’s optimism, claiming the “successful implementation and launch of 21 projects“, and emphasizing that “substantial resources are urgently needed to sustain support to victims”.

Its principal contributors listed in their own reports were:

  • United Kingdom – $1,117,000
  • United States – $620,000
  • Italy – $581,000
  • Norway – $393,000
  • Canada – $240,000
  • Japan – $200,000
  • Australia – $153,000
  • Bangladesh – $148,000
  • Germany – $120,000
  • India – $100,000
  • Nigeria – $100,000
  • Switzerland – $92,000
    Total: $5,188,000

Nice figures. Glossy charts. Positive reporting. 

The 2024 Annual Report reads like a success story, one slight problem, though: none of it was true.

The internal OIOS audit tells the opposite story: that the projects touted as successful in both the SG’s report and the Trust Fund’s annual report failed completely. The OIOS Report 2025/035, covering 1 January 2023 to 31 March 2025, detailed systemic failures:

  • No oversight or governance: No project steering committee was established to supervise implementation or review progress.
  • Arbitrary project locations: Sites were selected without predefined criteria, excluding major affected communities.
  • Copy-paste approach: The implementing partner simply replicated a vocational model used in another Mission, without any local context.
  • No due diligence: The partner was selected without comparative advantage analysis, and had no operational base in the country.
  • Missing curricula and unqualified trainers: For two of five courses, there were no curricula; the trainers’ qualifications were undocumented.
  • Certificates without competence: Beneficiaries who dropped out still received start-up kits and certificates.
  • Inflated costs and logistical chaos: Two of five MOUs omitted key delivery details, forcing MINUSCA to pay an additional $14,000 in transport.
  • Zero monitoring: Out of thirty-six progress reports, eleven contained no information while projects were ongoing.
  • Ignored recommendations: Repeated calls by oversight officers to fix basic deficiencies went unanswered.

The result, in OIOS’s own words, was that the projects “did not adequately meet the needs of victims” and failed to achieve any sustainable outcome. The contrast could not be starker:

  • OIOS found systemic failure, absence of oversight, and no measurable impact.
  • The Trust Fund celebrated completion and called for more funding. 
  • The Secretary-General reported success, progress, and implementation.

So which version of the truth did the Fifth Committee receive?

At stake is not only the credibility of the Trust Fund, financed by Member States such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Italy, Norway, Canada, Japan, and others, but also the integrity of the United Nations reporting system itself.

How can the Secretary-General speak of successful victim-assistance projects when his own internal audit reports describe them as failed, mismanaged, and without impact?

While the Secretary-General urges Member States to establish a sustainable funding model for the Trust Fund, the very projects financed by it could not sustain a single beneficiary.

The victims trained to bake without ovens and farm without land are not merely metaphors for bureaucratic incompetence, they are living proof of an accountability system that exists only on paper. Who will then tell the Member States that the UN’s own victims are still waiting for assistance and that the only thing the Organization managed to generate was another report?

A while ago, my colleague Lucas Mendos criticized the commentators who called UN reports “useless,” pointing out how people often confuse low download numbers with low relevance. He rightly noted that most UN reports are technical in nature, written for specialized audiences, and should never be judged by clicks.

But that argument assumes one thing: that the right people actually read them.

So why aren’t Member States reading these reports?

How is it that in the same United Nations, the Secretary-General can deliver a glowing account of success while his own internal oversight body is documenting complete failure?

How can he stand before the General Assembly and ask for a more “sustainable model of funding” when the very projects he cites have collapsed under his watch?

And what are the Member States and ACABQ delegates doing about it? Why are they even paid if they cannot monitor how their own assessed contributions are spent, or whether the projects they fund are implemented as reported?

And what about the victims of sexual exploitation and abuse: the women and children the Organization vowed to protect and whose dignity it promised to restore?

What kind of dignity is this, when their names appear in reports as “beneficiaries” of projects that never worked, that left them exactly where they began?

The Trust Fund was created to support the victims of exploitation. Instead, it exposes a system that exploits even their suffering to sustain its own image.

And to the Fifth Committee delegates: read the reports. No one else will.

NB: a copy of this article will be sent to the Permanent Missions to the United Nations of each Member State listed among the contributors to the Trust Fund — so they may see how their funding was used, and what their reports did not say.

What Really Happens at UNICEF When You Report Sexual Harassment

A long-serving international female staff member at UNICEF Lana(name changed to protect her identity) found herself trapped in an ethical and institutional nightmare after reporting sexual harassment and abuse of authority by a senior official in UNICEF’s Executive Office.

The staff member had spent 15 years in the UN system. When the sexual harassment and abuse began, she did what few dare: she filed a formal complaint with UNICEF’s internal investigative body, the Office of Internal Audit and Investigations (OIAI). A bold and principled move. Except the OIAI reports directly to the Executive Director (ED) of UNICEF. And the perpetrator? He works in the Executive Office.

So, unsurprisingly, almost predictably, the OIAI quietly closed the case and dismissed all of Lana’s allegations without proper examination. When the staff member requested a copy of the investigation closure report?

Denied.

No explanation. No legitimate reason. Just a wall of silence and impunity.

Or maybe the reason is obvious: the investigation is just flawed and in essence a lame cover-up. And they had no legal or moral grounds to dismiss the allegations. But when you are the system, you answer to no one. Technically, the staff member could challenge the decision before the UN Dispute Tribunal (UNDT). But that process takes years. And in the meantime, most staff who dare to challenge power are either sidelined, gagged or conveniently  as we all know, terminated.

Which is exactly what happened to Lana.

She appealed to the UNDT, asking the Tribunal to order UNICEF to produce the investigation report. The Tribunal complied. What Lana discovered in that report was staggering: not only had the OIAI neglected to verify or properly assess her evidence, they had turned the report against her. New, completely unfounded allegations had been added: against the victim. The person who had dared to speak up was now being framed as the problem.

Then came the part that strips the UN’s “zero tolerance” policy bare: just words, no backbone.

Lana submitted new evidence. Substantial. Verifiable. She pleaded for the OIAI to reopen the case. 

Lana wasn’t met with silence. Far from it. 

UNICEF responded, but not with accountability, not with a re-investigation, or even a hint of integrity. What she got instead was an offer: A payout. 

A price tag slapped on her silence. 

In plain terms: hush money.

It was UNICEF’s Legal and HR teams who came knocking offering her a “hush money settlement”. The message was clear: erase the evidence, walk away from the Tribunal, take the money, and vanish. And let’s be honest, offers like this don’t land without quiet approval from the very top. The management didn’t want resolution. They just wanted Lana to disappear. Silence was the entire point.

To understand how deep this rot goes, one only needs to look at the internal power structure.

The perpetrator works in the Executive Office, reporting directly to the Deputy Executive Director.

The Deputy Executive Director oversees the Legal and HR Departments who offered “hush money”.

OIAI, the body supposedly tasked with impartial investigation, reports to the Executive Director.

So when Legal and HR offered hush money to Lana, it was, circumstantially, linked to the Deputy Executive Director, who also happens to be the direct supervisor of the perpetrator. Draw your own conclusions.

These reporting structures are what I’d call carefully placed buffer positions. They allow the Executive Director to claim independence in decision-making, to pretend there’s a wall between them and these departments. But let’s not kid ourselves. These walls are paper-thin. And more often than not, bad decisions especially the ones that bury accountability, are either taken or, at the very least, quietly cleared at the top.

Lana also turned to the Ombudsman’s Office, yet another internal mechanism that, in theory, is there to help staff navigate conflict and find resolution. But just like the Ethics Office, it turned out to be a symbolic structure with no power and no spine. She was met with the same institutional indifference, the same empty reassurances. Another dead end dressed up as support.

Every single department that is meant to protect staff, uphold ethics, and ensure accountability (Investigations, Legal, HR, Ethics, Ombudsman) is structurally subordinate to the very people they might need to investigate. In other words, they don’t just fail to protect staff: they are structurally incapable of doing so.

In Lana’s case, it wasn’t just the Investigations Office that shut the door. It was the same office that refused to revise the new evidence she submitted, evidence they never properly reviewed in the first place and worse, they closed the case while quietly inserting new allegations against her. The victim.

And it didn’t stop there.

It was both the Legal Department and the HR Department that offered Lana a significant sum of hush money, on the condition that she withdraw the new evidence and drop her case from the UN Tribunal.

Now I’ve seen cases where a staff member is offered some kind of package: when there’s a performance issue, personality clashes, restructuring, or simply a dead end at work. These things happen. But hush money in a sexual harassment case? In the UN?

That’s a whole different story. And if this is now an accepted or even defendable practice by the UN’s legal departments, then the Secretary-General has a serious problem on his hands. Because the next time he repeats that tired line about “zero tolerance” for sexual harassment, Member States should ask him one thing: 

Since when does zero tolerance come with a price tag?

It’s not just the departments supposedly tasked with upholding the UN’s zero tolerance policy that are busy handing out hush money, now it seems the practice has spread. Contagious, even. Because the latest to follow suit? None other than the UN Tribunal itself.

In an outrageous and telling move, the UN Dispute Tribunal itself: yes, the body created to be independent issued an order that referenced the General Assembly’s encouragement of alternative dispute resolution. The judge then invited the parties to “explore the possibility” of resolving the dispute amicably, without further litigation and reaching an “amicable settlement”.

Excuse me?

What kind of justice is that? Since when is hush money an “amicable resolution” to sexual harassment? What happened to accountability? To dignity? What message does this send to every other woman in the UN system who is being harassed right now?

What about Lana’s mental health?

Her safety?

Her career?

And what about the women who remain behind in that office? Do they not deserve protection from a known perpetrator? What duty of care is being exercised here by UNICEF leadership, Legal, HR or the Tribunal, for that matter?

So what does this say about the UN’s broader approach to sexual exploitation and abuse of beneficiaries? If an international staff member with 15 years of service can be bought off, silenced, and pushed out for reporting abuse, then what chance does a refugee woman or a malnourished girl in a conflict zone have?

What does it take to silence them? 

A plastic toy? 

A bag of rice?

Lana’s case is emblematic of a much darker truth: the UN has mastered the art of making victims disappear, while keeping perpetrators comfortably in place.

The truth is, when you’re not in power in this system; especially when you’re a woman, you are invisible. You are disposable. And if you remind them that your dignity is not for sale, they will make sure you no longer exist in the organization.

They do not see you.
They do not hear you.
And they certainly do not protect you.

What they do protect, at all costs, is each other.

Because let’s face it: no one is really interested in hearing your story, especially if it’s a story about sexual harassment or abuse. What they want is simple. Make it go away. Bury it. Discredit it. Pay it off. Anything but face it.

UNDT Judgment Exposes Culture of Impunity for Senior Sexual Predators

In a shocking judgment issued last week UNDT/2024/100 ATR vs. SG of the United Nations, the UNDT exposed the United Nations’ fallacious standards regarding #sexualharassment and the preferential treatment afforded to some of its senior sexual predators.

Despite numerous policies such as ST/ICs, ST/AIs, and ST/SGBs, allegations of sexual harassment within the #UnitedNations were still rampant by 2017. Secretary-General António Guterres requested the CEB to create a Task Force on Addressing Sexual Harassment within the Organizations of the UN System. Yet today, it seems the “zero-tolerance policy” has become a cherry-picking tool.

In a damning case, Mr. Polinikis Sophocleous, a D-1 level Director and Chief of Finance at the UNOV, was found guilty of sexually harassing a female staff member. The judgment revealed:

  • That the perpetrator made unwelcome physical contact, including hugs, kisses, and stares;
  • That the perpetrator made disturbing comments to the victim, including telling her that he “stroked a doll while naked in his office to relax when stressed”;
  • A hostile environment where the victim felt compelled to alter her attire, avoid him, seek counseling, and search for external opportunities to escape his predatory behavior.

This pattern of conduct was corroborated by witness statements describing his similar behavior toward junior female colleagues.

Despite the investigation substantiating the allegations, the Assistant Secretary-General for Human Resources (ASG/HR) refused to disclose the disciplinary measure imposed on Mr. Sophocleous. The victim was left in the dark about what action, if any, had been taken—until she discovered through the perpetrator’s appeal that the penalty imposed was demotion by one grade with a three-year deferment for promotion eligibility.

A measure so lenient for proven acts of sexual harassment—including physical violations, obscene comments, and sustained psychological harm—not only diminishes the gravity of the misconduct but undermines the UN’s professed commitment to combating such behavior. This revelation starkly betrays the principles of accountability and zero tolerance that the UN claims to uphold in addressing sexual harassment.

What makes this measure even more egregious is the disparity it reveals: lower-level staff guilty of similar misconduct are always terminated, while a senior manager like Mr. Sophocleous escapes with a token punishment.

The Tribunal itself remarked on the absurdity of this disparity, noting that such leniency for senior officials is “contrary to both common sense and to the Organization’s professed zero-tolerance policy.” This leniency, delivered after a staggering three-year delay in sanctions, demonstrates not just systemic inefficiency but a disturbing willingness to shield high-ranking offenders at the expense of victims and accountability.

A Judge Stunned into Commentary

The shockingly lenient punishment so outraged the Tribunal that Judge Sean Wallace, presiding over the case, took the extraordinary step of including a detailed footnote to highlight the absurdity of the UN’s practices. Footnote 1, in particular, exposes the preferential treatment given to managers:

“Although sexual harassment most frequently results in termination of a UN staff member, if the offender is a manager with considerable power over the affected individuals, the most frequently imposed disciplinary measure is that of demotion with deferment of at least one year of eligibility for consideration for promotion.”

The judge’s decision to underscore this disparity in such a public manner reflects his astonishment at the blatant hypocrisy of the UN’s “zero-tolerance” policy. The footnote further critiques the reduced punishment for high-level officials as “contrary to both common sense and to the Organization’s professed zero-tolerance policy.”

Systemic Failures That Embolden Predators

Judge Wallace did not stop at criticizing the punishment; he also detailed systemic failures that protected Mr. Sophocleous:

  • Delays: The Office of Human Resources (OHR) took 16 months to notify the perpetrator of formal allegations and a staggering three years to impose sanctions. Such delays undermine accountability and embolden perpetrators.
  • Opaque Processes: The refusal to disclose the disciplinary measure denied the victim critical reassurance, leaving her to fear encountering her harasser in future roles within the UN system.

Even the most naïve observer would question how such actions align with the UN’s stated policy of zero tolerance.

A Perpetrator-Centered Policy: Exposing the Secretary-General’s Contradictions

One should not blame the Tribunal for the systemic failures exposed in this case.

Every year, the Secretary-General of the United Nations submits his report, Practice of the Secretary-General in disciplinary matters and cases of possible criminal behavior, to the General Assembly. In his most recent report, A/78/603, covering the period from 1 January 2022 to 31 December 2022, the SG reported that all cases of sexual harassment that were investigated resulted in the termination or dismissal of the staff member. These outcomes were rightly heralded as reinforcing the principle of the UN’s zero-tolerance policy against sexual harassment (Ref: 624–628, p. 30 of the SG’s report).

But this raises the critical questions:

  • Why was Mr. Sophocleous, a senior official found guilty of sexual harassment, granted such preferential treatment and allowed to remain on active duty?
  • How can a staff member proven to have engaged in such egregious misconduct be permitted to continue working within the UN system?
  • And how can the Secretary-General continue to strongly proclaim that the “UN will not tolerate sexual harassment in its ranks” when actions such as these blatantly contradict those words? What kind of hypocrisy is this?

Rather than adopting a victim-centered approach, the UN has effectively embraced a perpetrator-centered approach.

The Right to Know: A Landmark Ruling for Victims of Sexual Harassment

In a groundbreaking analysis, the Tribunal ruled for the first time on the victim’s right to be informed of the disciplinary measure imposed on their harasser. The judgment stated:

“The Tribunal finds that the question of whether a victim of sexual harassment has the right to be informed of the discipline imposed on his/her harasser must be resolved. The question before the Tribunal, therefore, is whether informing the victim that the Organization has ‘decided to impose an appropriate disciplinary measure’ complies with the requirement to disclose ‘the outcome of the investigation and of the action taken.’”

The Tribunal unequivocally determined that it did not.

“In this context, saying that one took disciplinary action is not the same as disclosing ‘the action taken.’ It is a tautology; in other words, it is saying the same thing twice over in different words. In effect, the ASG/HR told the victim here that ‘the action taken was to take action.’”

The Tribunal further emphasized that the right of a victim to be informed of the disposition of their case is enshrined in para. 6(a) of the Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in A/RES/40/34, para. 3 (1985).

It clarified that the right of a victim of sexual harassment to know both the outcome of the investigation and the action taken is embedded in Section 10 of ST/AI/2017/1 and para. 5.5(i) of ST/SGB/2019/8, which explicitly state:

“[T]he affected individual … shall be informed on a strictly confidential basis of the outcome of the matter.”

The purpose of these provisions is clear: to create transparency and accountability, implementing the principle that “sunlight is an antiseptic” to the plague of sexual harassment. However, the UN’s response in this case failed to meet this standard. Instead, the refusal to disclose meaningful details to the victim rendered the process opaque and ineffective, an “inadequate germicide for further sexual harassment.

Under Staff Rule 10.2(a), “an appropriate disciplinary measure” could range from a written censure to separation from service. A written censure amounts to a mere slap on the wrist, while separation from service effectively ends a career within the international civil service. Thus, knowing precisely where the sanction falls on this spectrum is critical, yet the victim was denied this clarity.

The judge further recalled that it was essential to recall the context in which these policies were issued, particularly ST/SGB/2019/8, during the height of the #MeToo movement. “This was a time of global reckoning, with public outcry over the prevalence of sexual harassment and claims that the UN’s investigative system was failing, often shielding favored individuals. Despite these reforms, the organization’s actions in this case prove that those promises of accountability remain unfulfilled.”

In sum, the Tribunal found that the UN unlawfully denied the victim her right to be informed of the disciplinary sanction imposed on Mr. Sophocleous.

This judgment sets a critical precedent for the rights of victims of sexual harassment in the future. Without the right to know, the UN’s declarations are nothing more than lip service. Victims have the right to know. Sexual predators have no place in the organization—and they should never be protected.

A Perpetrator-Centered System

The UN’s actions in this case revealed a disturbing trend: a perpetrator-centered approach that prioritizes the privacy and careers of offenders over the rights and dignity of victims. The Tribunal ruled that the organization unlawfully denied the victim her right to be informed of the disciplinary action taken, stating:

“Informing a victim of sexual harassment that the Organization has decided to ‘impose an appropriate disciplinary measure’ is opaque, not transparent, and an inadequate germicide for further sexual harassment.”

Instead of protecting victims, the UN shields perpetrators through delayed processes, vague communication, and disproportionately lenient punishments. Even tools like the ClearCheck database, ostensibly designed to prevent re-employment of sexual predators, remain mired in opacity, with no clear accountability for its implementation.

Lip Service to Accountability

The Secretary-General’s annual reports claim that sexual harassment cases are handled with the utmost seriousness. However, this judgment exposes the truth: a justice system that protects the powerful and silences victims.

The Tribunal observed:

“When the Organization refuses to disclose the discipline it imposed, the harasser returns to work, and the Organization later admits that managers frequently receive lighter punishment than others for sexual harassment, even the most gullible person must wonder about the Organization’s professed commitment to ‘zero tolerance.'”

This is not an isolated case. It is emblematic of a broader pattern of hypocrisy, where rhetoric about justice and accountability is undermined by actions that perpetuate impunity.

Member States and Donors Must Demand Accountability for Sexual Harassment Failures in the UN

The UN is called upon to immediately address the following critical questions arising from this damning case:

  1. Why was a senior official found guilty of egregious misconduct allowed to effectively escape meaningful accountability? Despite clear evidence of predatory behavior, the imposed sanction amounted to little more than a career inconvenience—a far cry from the termination mandated by the UN’s so-called zero-tolerance policy.
  2. How will the UN ensure that all victims of sexual harassment are informed of the detailed outcomes of disciplinary processes against their perpetrators? In light of this judgment, transparency is not optional; it is an obligation. The right to know must be enforced consistently and without exception.

Donors and member states must demand clear and immediate answers from the Secretary-General about this case. How does the UN plan to reconcile its public commitment to a zero-tolerance policy with the blatant failure exposed in this judgment? Without transparency, justice, and accountability, what credibility remains for the organization tasked with upholding global human rights?

The media, civil society, and global stakeholders should question how the UN’s leadership plans to address this glaring hypocrisy. To remain silent is to condone a system that protects perpetrators and silences victims. This case must become a turning point, not another example of impunity buried in bureaucratic indifference.

I am writing this not as a distant observer but as someone who has experienced the crushing impact of the UN’s systemic failures firsthand. The Secretary-General and UN leadership must answer—not just to their staff, but to every individual who once trusted this organization to stand for justice. This case is personal for victims, and it should be personal for anyone who still believes in the ideals the UN claims to represent.

#Accountability #UNJustice #SexualHarassment #MeToo #ZeroTolerance #UN #Impunity #JusticeForVictims #UnitedNations

Your Honour: A Kiss is not a Free Pass for Sex.

As a follow-up to two recent Certioraris blog posts about a UNDT judge adopting a sexist and victim-blaming approach to recent cases of sexual harassment and sexual exploitation in the United Nations, my jurisprudence research led me to an appalling dissenting opinion by the same Judge in yet another judgment in which he obscenely blamed the Victim for a case of sexual assault and rape.

To recap, in his “Boys will be Boys” Judgment, the Judge who holds an Italian nationality considered comments from a male staff member to a female staff member, such as “Your breasts look like mountains….” and “The water jets in the pool could be pleasurable between a woman’s legs….” as “euphoric jokes and quips, “boutades” by an elated person (like a boy on a school trip) with no intention to harm or harass or humiliate.”

In a second Judgment, Makeen, UNDT/2023/071, the Judge considered it normal for a 53-year-old UN married man to have sex with an 18-year-old girl who cleans his house and cooks for him and ordered his reinstatement or in lieu compensation for his termination.

In both Judgments, referring to a 2007 Duke Law Research Paper, I argued that the cultural beliefs and values of the same UNDT Judge were once again crucial factors impacting his final decision and judgment and that the cultural affiliations of different judges and jurors will influence their perceptions of whether sexual harassment occurred.

Most recently, an Italian judge provoked outrage after clearing a school caretaker of sexually assaulting a teenage girl because the grope lasted only “a handful of seconds.” 

Italians expressed their outrage on social media by posting videos of themselves touching intimate body parts alongside the hashtags “palpata breve” (brief grope) and “10 secondi” (10 seconds).

Italian judges have been criticized in the past for similar rulings. In 2017, a judge in Ancona cleared two men of the rape of a 22-year-old Peruvian woman because they said (and the judges agreed) that she was “ugly.” In a famous case from 1999, a man was cleared of rape because the Victim was wearing tight jeans believed to be impossible to remove without her assistance.

The UNDT judge has an array of judgments that all point to sexist cultural beliefs, and in which he seems to consistently want to blame the women for the sexual harassment and violence they endure.

Such victim smearing is commonplace in rape trials in Italy, and the UNDT Judge did not depart from this sexist legal approach in yet another UNDT judgment in which he expressed his dissenting opinion against the majority of the Judges.

The case itself is pretty straightforward, albeit revolting.

A long-term serving UNFPA staff member at the D-1 level sexually assaulted, forced himself, and raped a UN colleague he had met earlier at dinner.

The majority of the Judges upheld the disciplinary sanction of termination, having considered the totality of the evidence before them; chief among them was that irrespective of the fact that the female colleague had kissed the Director, she had not given him explicit consent to have intercourse with him, and she explicitly told him that she had made a mistake and wanted to leave the room, but he would not let her.

The D-1 Director and the female staff had met over dinner during a UN mission. The conversation was friendly. The Director invited his female colleague to continue the conversation. On her way to pick him up, he left his room door open as he stood on his balcony waiting for her. They had a discussion on the balcony, and he kissed her. 

She then realized she made a mistake and wanted to leave.

Her judgment, Her Call, Her Right.

The majority of the Judges ruled against the Director, and the termination decision clearly referred to the lack of consent as a decisive factor for sexual assault and rape which had zero tolerance in the United Nations.

The UNDT judgment UNDT/2022/030 featured a 17-page dissenting opinion by the UNDT Judge same author of the “Boys will be Boys” judgment.

The UNDT judge argued why he would have cleared the D-1 Director of any misconduct. He even managed to quote the Applicant’s words in his application to defend him.

In a disturbing quote, the UNDT Judge invoked the Director’s own words in his application by stating that 

“the Complainant’s “friendly disposition towards the Applicant … was exculpatory of him having assaulted her.” 

In other words, the Judge plainly said, if you’re friendly to me, I have the right to rape you!

But, Your Honor:

Image courtesy of boldomatic.com

The Judge then quotes the OIOS investigator to insinuate that a long time had elapsed during which the Director was on top of the Complainant, therefore, questioning how it is possible that the female staff member did not give consent given the lengthy period.

In other words, the Judge was saying that it if was rape, it would have all happened in seconds.

The Judge goes on to state. 

“It is really difficult to recognize that an alleged victim of assault and rape, in a situation showing no sign of threat or violence at all will accept the sexual intercourse because she was “afraid to upset” the perpetrator, or because she had in front of her a person perceived as a “powerful person”. 

With all due respect, your Honour, it must be difficult indeed, first because you’re looking at it from a Man’s perspective and not a Woman’s.

Second, Your Honor, it seems you are also looking at it from a deep-seated sexist perspective embedded in your cultural beliefs, namely that if a woman flirts with a man, he is entitled to have sex with her.

The Judge’s dissenting opinion goes on:

“When the borders of a situation of mutual respect are crossed, indeed, no gentle relationship could be kept, and a reaction by the victim is expected according to “id quod plerumque accidit,” that is what usually happens to ordinary people; indeed, the embarrassment invoked by the Complainant cannot justify the acceptance of sexual advances without any reaction. 

The lack of any reaction by the person who is the object of sexual advances, whatever could be its motivation, cannot be interpreted as a clear dissent to the sexual intercourse. In other terms, the test required by this case is not only to assess if the Complainant wanted the sexual intercourse or not, but also the perception of her behaviour by a reasonable person within a multicultural environment.”

With all due respect, your Honour: ordinary people??? Lack of any reaction? Perception in a multicultural environment??

Are you, in fact, your Honour, insinuating that the Victim is not ordinary and hence is not normal because she froze and did not shout for help??

Are you, in fact, transferring the blame to the Victim because she froze despite the overwhelming scientific evidence that exists why rape and sexual assault victims freeze during the assault and the experts saying that victims are blamed for not fighting attackers despite evidence that rape triggers immobility in victims.

In what culture, your Honour, may we ask, a Man has a right to rape a Woman who clearly said No to Sex?

Are you really working for the Administration of Justice in the United Nations with the overall aim of advancing a zero-tolerance policy for sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, sexual abuse, violence; and assault against Women?

The Judge goes on to argue in his dissenting opinion, that the Complainant told the Director she had made a mistake going into his room. She did not want to have sex with him; however, this happened in the very first moments of the meeting and the fact that she did not repeat her dissent statement later on equates to weak resistance or consent! 

Even when the Complainant testified about the physical strength of the Director and his firemen’s lift to fly her on the bed, which the Director conceded to, the dissenting Judge considered this an act that in itself could be subjected to different interpretations… 

No comment.

In his closing arguments, the dissenting Judge goes on to intimate a disgraceful analysis of events that undeniably point out his own cultural beliefs and values and the sexist approach towards female victims of sexual harassment and assault.

“Certainly the expectations that a young staff member – with work-related problems and frustrations – may have placed in a powerful and sly colleague with a high position in the United Nations hierarchy and well connected (running for presidency in his country, friend of the Regional Director and of the former President of the United States of America, Barrack Obama) remained frustrated after she realized – at the end of the intercourse and not before and probably only when the Applicant told her he was married and with his own life – he had purely sexual objectives, she had made a mistake and she had been used as an object. However, this is not sufficient to substantiate an accusation of rape.”

Wow.

Just Wow.

So, the D-1 Director knows Barrack Obama and is running for the presidency in his country. It goes without saying, we will believe the D-1 Director. And she is just a frustrated young female staff member in the United Nations who did not realize she has been used as an object!! Goes without saying, she is just a frustrated female staff member and she is lying!

Yes, dear audience, these are the owns words of a UNDT judge!

Let’s recall here that this was a 17 pages dissenting opinion by the UNDT Judge and that the UNDT judgment ruled in favor of the Complainant. The Director appealed the judgment to UNAT. 

The importance of the case called for a full bench of UNAT Judges.

Thankfully, in Judgment No. 2023-UNAT-1332, UNAT unanimously ruled in favor of the Victim and against the Director finding

“that the evidence established with a high degree of probability that the Appellant engaged in non-consensual sex with the Complainant, amounting to sexual assault”

UNAT further held against the dissenting opinion that it was

“insufficient for the Appellant to rely on “tacit” consent or the absence of repeated expressions of non-consent in these circumstances.

Also, rape and sexual assault do not always include threats of violence or physical restraint nor victims physically fighting back but can occur, as here, where a person in a position of power, trust or authority compels the Complainant to engage in unwanted activity.

However, the Complainant did testify to being physically restrained and overwhelmed after having expressed her lack of consent. This would be a plausible rationale for the Complainant to not struggle and suffer further physical assault in the interaction.

She described that her failure to scream or yell was because she was “in shock”, “ashamed”, and “embarrassed”, as well as cognizant that she was in a “very precarious situation with the Regional Director” that could compromise her job.”

Surprisingly, there was a new division among the UNAT Judges as to whether the name of the Director should remain anonymous. There was once again a dissenting opinion by 3 Judges who refused to protect the perpetrator even though the final judgment remained anonymous.

The dissenting Judges held

“while we acknowledge the desirability of protection of personal privacy, so too must we bring to account in a balancing exercise, the need to deter others, no less senior officials of the United Nations, from insidious and harmful sexual abuse and exploitation. 

For these reasons we would not have found good cause to depart in this case from the UNAT’s practice of naming parties in judgments”

 The name of the UNFPA D-1 Director remains Anonymous to date.

It is no surprise then that a recent 2023 JIU report of UNFPA made the following observations.

“The most concerning findings are those related to misconduct. The overall sense from staff is that senior management does not take appropriate action and simply “shuffles” or “outrides” problems, especially in cases of abuse of authority and sexual harassment.

The number of open investigation cases related to harassment, including sexual harassment, retaliation and misconduct, has been growing year after year, and, the overall sense is that senior management does not take appropriate or timely disciplinary action against perpetrators of misconduct (sometimes the individual is just transferred to another duty station) or action against perpetrators is delayed to the point that the Victim, or the perpetrator, leaves the organization before any formal disciplinary action is taken.

Staff also felt that this behaviour by management was particularly acute when it was related to sexual harassment, abuse or exploitation. “

The UNDT code of conduct of Judges requires “fairness in the conduct of proceedings and that Judges must not conduct themselves in a manner that is racist, sexist or otherwise discriminatory. They must uphold and respect the principles set out in the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.” 

Further, the Judges of the UNDT are appointed by the General Assembly following recommendations of the Internal Justice Council and consultation with the Office of Human Resources on the search for suitable candidates for the positions of judges.

May we ask the General Assembly, the Internal Justice Council, and OHR who can hold this UNDT judge in contempt of the UNDT code of conduct for his consistent sexist legal approach against female staff members in the United Nations?

May we further ask these bodies how do they ensure that that they are recruiting the Judges who uphold and respect the principles set out in the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and whom we assume, in turn, advance the Secretary-general’s policy on zero tolerance towards sexual harassment, sexual abuse, sexual exploitation and sexual vioence against women?

May we further ask UNAT judges on what grounds they decide that a perpetrator at a D-1 level convicted of a sexual assault that is considered a crime is granted anonymity despite the UNDT and UNAT establishing the misconduct against him?